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Trump Poses as Venezuela’s Savior in Front of Oil Magnates: A Surprise Move or a Calculated Move?

Jacques Pj Provost

2026-06-20 23:43:49

The Arrest That Changed Everything

The arrest of Nicolás Maduro on January 3, 2026, marked a historic turning point in relations between the United States and Venezuela. The operation, carried out with formidable efficiency by U.S. special forces, took the world by surprise. Within hours, the Venezuelan leader who had defied Washington for years found himself in handcuffs, removed from his presidential palace, and transferred to the United States to face charges of drug trafficking and corruption. Footage of the operation, broadcast by U.S. media, shows helicopters flying over Caracas, controlled explosions, and soldiers in combat gear. It was a show of force that leaves no doubt about the Trump administration’s resolve. But beyond the military spectacle, the entire structure of Venezuelan power is collapsing. Maduro was not just a president; he was the symbol of a system, the heir to Hugo Chávez, and the guardian of a certain vision of Bolivarian socialism. His capture creates a massive political vacuum, and it is precisely into this vacuum that the United States is rushing.

International reactions have been mixed. Some countries, particularly in Latin America, have condemned what they consider a flagrant violation of Venezuelan sovereignty. Others, especially the United States’ traditional allies, have hailed the operation as a necessary step to free Venezuela from an authoritarian and corrupt regime. But beyond diplomatic posturing, one question remains: who will govern Venezuela now? Trump has raised the possibility of working with Venezuelan “democratic forces,” but without specifying which ones. The Venezuelan opposition, fragmented and weakened by years of repression, seems ill-prepared to take the reins of power. And this is where the economic reconstruction plan takes on its full significance. In the absence of a stable and legitimate government, it is the American oil companies that will de facto control Venezuela’s energy sector—the beating heart of the country’s economy. Is this a form of economic colonialism disguised as humanitarian aid? It’s a question worth asking.

From Military Force to the Power of the Dollar

The military intervention was only the first step in a much broader plan. The real conquest of Venezuela will not be achieved through weapons, but through money. The $100 billion promised by Trump represents a colossal sum, capable of radically transforming the Venezuelan economy. But under what conditions? According to information disclosed at the press conference, oil companies will invest these funds in rebuilding the energy infrastructure, but they will quickly recoup their investment thanks to revenues generated by oil production. Afterward, the profits will be shared among the companies, the United States, and Venezuela. This model bears more resemblance to a mining concession than to an equitable partnership. The specific details of the revenue-sharing arrangement have not been made public, but one can legitimately question how much will actually go to the Venezuelan people. Trump also raised the possibility of government subsidies to encourage companies to invest, which means that U.S. taxpayers could indirectly finance this operation.

U.S. Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum stated in an interview with Fox Business Network that one option for rapidly boosting Venezuelan oil production would be to lift the sanctions that have prevented the country from accessing crucial equipment and technology. “Some of these things could be done very quickly,” he said, adding that “the business opportunity here is truly enormous.” This statement is telling: the conversation isn’t about humanitarian reconstruction; it’s about business opportunity. The language used by Trump administration officials is that of business, not that of international solidarity. And perhaps that is the heart of the problem. Venezuela is not seen as a country in distress that needs help, but as a market to be conquered, a source of profits to be exploited. This purely mercantile view of international relations is characteristic of the Trumpian approach, but it raises serious ethical and political questions.

There is something deeply cynical about this shift from military force to economic force. A leader is captured, a country is destabilized, and immediately a “reconstruction” plan is proposed that guarantees, first and foremost, the interests of American corporations. It’s a pattern we’ve seen elsewhere—in Iraq, in Libya. And each time, the promises of prosperity and democracy have turned into chaos and exploitation. I don’t want to be pessimistic, but history teaches us to be cautious. Venezuela deserves a real chance to rebuild itself, not a new cycle of economic dependence.

Oil Giants Summoned to the White House

Chevron, ExxonMobil, ConocoPhillips: The Winning Trio

The January 9, 2026, meeting at the White House brought together more than a dozen oil company executives, but three names dominated the discussions: Chevron, ExxonMobil, and ConocoPhillips. These three giants of the U.S. oil industry have a complex history with Venezuela. Chevron is currently the only U.S. major still operating in the country, having maintained a presence despite sanctions and difficulties. ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, on the other hand, were expelled from Venezuela nearly two decades ago when President Hugo Chávez nationalized their oil projects. Both companies have since sought billions of dollars in compensation for their confiscated assets, and their return to Venezuela would represent a form of economic revenge. But beyond historical considerations, these three companies possess the technical expertise and financial resources needed to revive Venezuelan oil production. They know the terrain, have experience operating in challenging environments, and have deep enough pockets to invest the colossal sums required.

However, their enthusiasm appears to be tempered. According to sources close to the discussions, some executives have expressed a willingness to invest, but only if stable frameworks and legal guarantees are put in place. The memory of Chávez’s nationalization is still fresh, and no one wants to invest billions of dollars in a country where the rules of the game can change overnight. Trump has promised security guarantees for corporations, suggesting that the U.S. government would protect their investments. But in practical terms, what does that mean? A permanent U.S. military presence in Venezuela? Legal agreements that would place oil companies above Venezuelan law? These questions remain unanswered, but they are crucial to understanding the true nature of this reconstruction plan. Energy Secretary Chris Wright was scheduled to speak at a conference organized by Goldman Sachs in Miami, where several oil company executives were also in attendance. These behind-the-scenes meetings are just as important as public announcements, because that is where the real terms of the deal are negotiated.

A Meeting That Resembles a Division of Spoils

Some observers have described the atmosphere at this White House meeting as that of a spoils-sharing session. The footage shows Trump surrounded by executives in dark suits, all flashing polite smiles. The U.S. president stated that the oil companies had already pledged to invest at least $100 billion—an impressive figure, though one that remains to be confirmed. No company has publicly confirmed a specific financial commitment, and some have even maintained a cautious silence. This discrepancy between Trump’s statements and the reality of the companies’ commitments is telling. The U.S. president is known for making spectacular announcements that do not always materialize, and it is possible that this $100 billion figure is more of an aspiration than a reality. Nevertheless, even if the actual investments are lower, they will represent a considerable sum that will give U.S. companies de facto control over Venezuela’s oil industry.

What is striking about this meeting is the complete absence of Venezuelan representatives. Venezuela’s fate is being decided in Washington, among Americans, without the parties most directly affected having a say. This exclusion is symbolic of a neocolonial approach in which major powers decide the future of weaker countries without consulting them. Trump mentioned that he would work with Venezuelan “democratic forces,” but who are these forces? Who has designated them as the legitimate representatives of the Venezuelan people? These fundamental questions are being sidestepped in the rush to implement this reconstruction plan. There is a sense of urgency that seems driven more by economic considerations than by a genuine concern for the well-being of Venezuelans. Oil companies want to secure their investments quickly, before a potential new Venezuelan government might challenge the terms of the agreement. It is a race against time in which commercial interests take precedence over democratic considerations.

When I see these images of oil company executives gathered at the White House, I can’t help but think of ordinary Venezuelans—those who have fled their country, those who have stayed despite hunger and poverty, and those who dream of a better future. Where do they fit into this equation? Who speaks on their behalf? No one. Their country is being reshaped by men in suits who know nothing of their suffering, who understand nothing of their history. It is a glaring injustice, and it deeply revolts me.

One hundred billion dollars on the table

A figure that turns heads

One hundred billion dollars. The figure is staggering, almost abstract. To put things in perspective, it’s more than the annual GDP of many African countries; it’s the equivalent of several Marshall Plans. It’s a sum capable of radically transforming a country, rebuilding infrastructure, creating millions of jobs, and reviving an entire economy. But where did this figure come from? Trump announced it with confidence, claiming that oil companies had committed to investing that amount. Yet no company has publicly confirmed such a commitment. Chevron, ExxonMobil, and ConocoPhillips have all declined to comment or have remained cautiously silent. This disconnect between the president’s statements and the reality of corporate commitments raises questions. Did Trump exaggerate? Did he misunderstand the discussions? Or is this a communications strategy designed to build momentum and force companies’ hands by publicly committing them? Whatever the answer, it is clear that this figure of 100 billion must be taken with a grain of salt.

Even if actual investments are lower, they will still represent a considerable sum. According to energy sector analysts, it would take at least between $50 billion and $80 billion to restore Venezuela’s oil infrastructure and bring production back to significant levels. This includes repairing and modernizing refineries, rehabilitating oil wells, building new pipelines, and installing upgrading facilities to process Venezuela’s heavy crude. It is a massive undertaking that will take years, if not decades. Experts at Goldman Sachs estimate that it will take until the end of the decade to reach production of 1.5 to 2 million barrels per day—and that is only with significant support from the U.S. government. Trump, for his part, is talking about results in less than 18 months. Is this optimism bordering on unreality, or a promise intended to reassure investors and the American public? The truth likely lies somewhere in between, but the gap between the president’s statements and the experts’ assessments is concerning.

The Terms of the Deal Revealed

But beyond the amount, it is the terms of the deal that are truly revealing. According to information disclosed at the press conference, oil companies will invest these funds in rebuilding energy infrastructure, but they will quickly recoup their investment thanks to revenues generated by oil production. Trump told NBC News: “A huge amount of money will have to be spent, and the oil companies will spend it, and then they’ll be reimbursed by us or by the revenues.” This wording is ambiguous. Who is this “us”? The U.S. government? The future Venezuelan government? And what is meant by “revenues”? Revenues from the sale of Venezuelan oil? If so, this means that oil companies will have priority access to Venezuela’s oil revenues, even before the country can use that money for its own needs. This is a model that resembles a colonial concession more than an equitable partnership.

Then, once the initial investment has been recouped, the profits will be shared among the companies, the United States, and Venezuela. But in what proportions? Trump hasn’t specified, and that’s where the devil is in the details. If the oil companies take 50% of the profits, the United States 30%, and Venezuela only 20%, it’s hard to call this a fair deal. And even if the proportions are more favorable to Venezuela, the question remains: who will actually control these revenues? A future democratically elected Venezuelan government? Or an interim administration installed by Washington? These questions are crucial, as they will determine whether this reconstruction plan will truly benefit the Venezuelan people or whether it will primarily serve the interests of American corporations. Trump has also raised the possibility of government subsidies to encourage companies to invest. This means that American taxpayers could indirectly finance this operation, which raises questions of legitimacy and budgetary priorities.

One hundred billion dollars. That’s a sum that could change the lives of millions of Venezuelans. But under what conditions? When I read the details of this plan, I see a system designed to guarantee corporate profits first, and only then the well-being of the Venezuelan people. It’s this order of priorities that bothers me. Why must oil companies recoup their investment first? Why can’t Venezuela have full control over its own resources? These questions haunt me, and I don’t have any satisfactory answers.

Venezuela's infrastructure: a field of ruins

Twenty Years of Decline and Neglect

To understand the scale of the challenge, one must first assess the extent of the damage. Venezuela’s oil infrastructure is in a catastrophic state, the result of two decades of underinvestment, corruption, and mismanagement. Under the presidencies of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, the national oil company, PDVSA, was stripped of its technical expertise and transformed into a machine for financing social programs and enriching a corrupt elite. The best engineers and technicians fled the country, taking decades of expertise with them. Equipment has not been maintained, necessary investments have not been made, and international sanctions have prevented the import of spare parts and essential technologies. The result is a system on the brink of total collapse. Refineries are operating at a fraction of their capacity, pipelines are leaking, and oil wells are poorly maintained and producing less and less.

The figures speak for themselves. Venezuelan oil production has fallen from more than 3 million barrels per day in the early 2000s to less than one million today. This is a staggering decline that has plunged the country into an unprecedented economic and humanitarian crisis. Venezuela, once one of the richest countries in Latin America, has become one of the poorest. Hyperinflation has destroyed the value of the national currency, food and medicine shortages have become chronic, and millions of Venezuelans have fled the country, seeking refuge in neighboring nations. This humanitarian disaster is directly linked to the collapse of the oil industry, which accounted for more than 90% of the country’s export revenues. Without oil, Venezuela has no source of revenue, and without revenue, it can no longer import the essential goods its population needs. It is a vicious cycle that has transformed a country rich in natural resources into a failed state.

Vast Reserves, Collapsed Production

Venezuela’s paradox is striking: the country possesses the world’s largest oil reserves, estimated at over 300 billion barrels, yet it is unable to exploit them effectively. These reserves are mainly concentrated in the Orinoco Belt, a vast region in the south of the country where the oil is particularly heavy and viscous. This type of crude requires specialized technologies to be extracted and processed, making it much more expensive to produce than conventional oil. The upgrading units, which transform heavy crude into usable products, are in an advanced state of disrepair. Many are no longer functioning at all, and those still operational are running at a fraction of their capacity. Without these units, Venezuelan oil is virtually unusable, as few refineries worldwide are equipped to process such heavy crude.

This is where U.S. oil companies come into play. They possess the technical expertise and equipment needed to extract and process Venezuelan heavy crude. But this expertise comes at a price, and that price will be paid by Venezuela in the form of concessions and revenue sharing. Experts estimate that it would take at least between $50 billion and $80 billion to restore the oil infrastructure and bring production back to significant levels. This includes repairing and modernizing refineries, rehabilitating oil wells, building new pipelines, and installing upgrading equipment. This is a monumental undertaking that will take years, if not decades. And even with massive investments, there is no guarantee of success. Venezuela faces deep-seated structural challenges that go far beyond the simple reconstruction of infrastructure. An entire industry must be rebuilt, a new generation of technicians and engineers must be trained, stable legal and regulatory frameworks must be established, and endemic corruption must be combated.

When I think about the state of Venezuela’s infrastructure, I feel immense sadness. This country had everything it needed to succeed. Abundant natural resources, an educated population, a strategic geographic location. And it was all squandered by decades of mismanagement and corruption. Now, everything must be rebuilt, and this reconstruction will take place under the supervision of foreign corporations. It’s a tragedy, truly. Venezuela deserved better.

Experts' Skepticism About the Promises

Goldman Sachs Puts a Damper on Enthusiasm

While Trump makes grandiose promises of rapid reconstruction, energy sector experts are tempering expectations. Daan Struyven, co-head of commodities research at Goldman Sachs, said at a conference in Miami that it was difficult to imagine production increases beyond 300,000 to 400,000 barrels per day in the coming year, given the deteriorated state of infrastructure, particularly processing facilities. “It will take until the end of the decade to reach 1.5 to 2 million barrels per day, and probably only with significant support from the U.S. government,” he added. These estimates are a far cry from Trump’s promises, which speak of results in less than 18 months. The gap between the president’s statements and the experts’ assessments is troubling, as it suggests either a lack of understanding of the technical realities or a deliberate attempt to downplay the difficulties for political reasons.

Other analysts share this skepticism. Venezuelan oil is among the most expensive in the world to produce due to its extreme viscosity. It requires specialized equipment to be extracted, transported, and refined into usable fuels. With global oil prices relatively low, at around $60 per barrel, producers are focusing on reserves that are cheaper and easier to develop. Venezuela is not an attractive option from a purely economic standpoint, unless government subsidies or exceptional guarantees are provided to offset the high risks and costs. This is precisely what Trump appears to be proposing, but it raises questions about the use of U.S. public funds to subsidize private operations abroad. Will U.S. taxpayers agree to indirectly finance the rebuilding of Venezuela’s oil industry while their own country faces significant economic and social challenges?

Technical and Financial Obstacles

Beyond economic considerations, there are major technical obstacles. The upgrading units, which are essential for processing Venezuelan heavy crude, are in a state of advanced disrepair. Many are no longer functioning at all, and those still operational are running at a fraction of their capacity. Rebuilding or replacing these units will take years and cost billions of dollars. Furthermore, Venezuela is sorely lacking in skilled labor. The best engineers and technicians fled the country during the crisis, and it will take time to train a new generation of professionals capable of managing complex oil operations. U.S. oil companies will likely have to import a large portion of their workforce, which will further increase costs and create tensions with the local population, who will see foreigners filling well-paid positions while Venezuelans remain unemployed.

There are also political and legal obstacles. Who will be Venezuela’s legitimate government? How will oil contracts be negotiated? What legal guarantees will be offered to investors? These fundamental questions remain unanswered, and until they are resolved, oil companies will be reluctant to commit significant sums of money. The memory of Chávez’s nationalization is still fresh, and no one wants to invest billions of dollars in a country where the rules of the game can change overnight. Trump has promised security guarantees for corporations, but in practical terms, what does that mean? A permanent U.S. military presence in Venezuela? Legal agreements that would place oil companies above Venezuelan law? These questions are crucial, and they must be resolved before massive investments can begin.

Experts are right to be skeptical. I’ve learned to be wary of promises that sound too good to be true, and Trump’s is one of them. Rebuilding Venezuela’s oil industry in 18 months? That’s simply unrealistic. But perhaps that’s not the goal. Perhaps the goal is simply to create momentum, to force the oil companies’ hand, to reassure the markets. Politics is often theater, and Trump is a master at it.

Venezuelan Oil: A Poisoned Treasure

The Heaviest and Most Expensive Crude Oil in the World

Venezuelan oil is unlike any other. Found primarily in the Orinoco Belt, it is an extra-heavy crude with a viscosity that makes it extremely difficult to extract and process. To give you an idea, this oil is so thick that it does not flow naturally. It must be heated or diluted with solvents to be pumped out of the ground. Once extracted, it must pass through upgrading units that transform it into a usable product. These units are complex and costly industrial facilities, and Venezuela is sorely lacking in them. Without them, Venezuelan crude is practically unusable, as few refineries worldwide are equipped to process such heavy crude. This explains why, despite its colossal reserves, Venezuela struggles so much to monetize its oil resources.

The cost of producing Venezuelan oil is also much higher than that of conventional oil. According to industry estimates, it costs between $30 and $40 to produce a barrel of Venezuelan crude, compared to $10 to $20 for a barrel of conventional crude from the Middle East. With global oil prices hovering around $60 per barrel, margins are tight, and any investment in the Venezuelan oil sector carries significant financial risks. This is why oil companies are reluctant to commit without solid guarantees and government subsidies. Venezuelan oil is a treasure, to be sure, but a poisoned treasure that requires massive investments and cutting-edge technology to be exploited profitably. And even with these investments, there is no guarantee of success, as Venezuela faces deep-seated structural challenges that go far beyond the mere extraction of oil.

Essential Specialized Equipment

Extracting Venezuelan oil requires specialized equipment that few companies possess. Upgrading units, heating systems to liquefy the crude, corrosion-resistant pipelines, refineries capable of processing such heavy crude… All of this represents colossal investments. And this equipment cannot be bought off the shelf. It must be custom-designed, manufactured, transported, and installed—a process that is both time-consuming and costly. The international sanctions that have been in place against Venezuela for years have prevented the importation of this equipment, further exacerbating the deterioration of the oil infrastructure. Now that these sanctions may be lifted, it will take months, if not years, to import and install the necessary equipment.

U.S. oil companies such as Chevron, ExxonMobil, and ConocoPhillips have the expertise and resources to supply this equipment, but they will not do so for free. They will demand long-term contracts, solid legal guarantees, and a significant share of oil revenues. This is the price to pay for access to their technology and know-how. But is this price acceptable to Venezuela? That is a question Venezuelans themselves should be able to decide, but they are absent from the negotiating table. Their future is being decided in Washington, among Americans, without them having a say. This exclusion is symbolic of a neocolonial approach in which major powers decide the future of weaker countries without consulting them.

Venezuelan oil is both a blessing and a curse. A blessing because it represents immense potential wealth. A curse because it has attracted the greed of foreign powers and has been at the heart of decades of corruption and mismanagement. Now, this oil is set to become the driving force behind a new form of economic dependence. Venezuela is about to trade a political dictatorship for an economic one. I don’t know which is worse.

Trump's True Motives Revealed

Lowering Energy Prices for Americans

Trump has never hidden his true motives. In remarks to House Republicans, he stated, “We have a lot of oil to drill, which will drive oil prices down even further.” For Trump, Venezuela is not a humanitarian cause—it is an economic opportunity for the United States. By increasing Venezuelan oil production and directing it toward the U.S. market, he hopes to lower energy prices for American consumers. This strategy makes sense from a domestic political perspective, as gas prices are always a sensitive issue for American voters. But it raises ethical questions: Is it acceptable to intervene militarily in a sovereign country to secure access to its natural resources? Isn’t that precisely what the United States did in Iraq, with the disastrous consequences we all know?

Trump has also raised the idea of integrating the U.S. and Venezuelan economies, suggesting a form of mutual economic dependence. But will this “integration” take place on an equal footing, or will Venezuela simply become a supplier of raw materials for the U.S. economy? The history of U.S.-Latin American relations suggests that the latter option is more likely. Latin American countries have often been treated as the U.S.’s economic backyard, supplying natural resources at low prices while importing high-priced U.S. manufactured goods. This model has enriched local elites and U.S. corporations, but it has rarely benefited local populations. Venezuela risks following the same path, becoming an oil-dependent state reliant on the United States, unable to diversify its economy or develop its own industries.

Countering Russian and Chinese Influence

Beyond economic considerations, there are obvious geopolitical motivations. Under the presidencies of Chávez and Maduro, Venezuela had developed close ties with Russia and China. These two countries had invested billions of dollars in Venezuela’s oil sector and had provided political and military support to the regime. For the United States, this Russian and Chinese presence in the Western Hemisphere was unacceptable—a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, which regards Latin America as a zone of American influence. By sidelining Maduro and proposing a reconstruction plan led by American companies, Trump is pushing Russian and Chinese influence out of Venezuela and reaffirming U.S. dominance in the region. This is a major geopolitical victory for Washington, but at what cost to Venezuela?

Interior Secretary Doug Burgum stated that this initiative also serves as a national security measure to counter Russian and Chinese influence in the Western Hemisphere. This statement is revealing: Venezuela is not perceived as a country in distress that needs help, but as a geopolitical battleground where major powers clash to expand their influence. Once again, Venezuelans are the ones left out of this equation. Their country is becoming a pawn in a geopolitical chess game beyond their control, and they have no say in their own destiny. It is a profoundly unjust situation, but it is, unfortunately, the reality of international relations in a world dominated by major powers.

Trump’s true motivations are crystal clear. It’s not about saving Venezuela; it’s about serving American interests. Lowering gas prices, countering Russia and China, enriching American oil companies… All of this is perfectly consistent with Trump’s “America First” vision. But where does Venezuela fit into all this? Where are the Venezuelans? They’re absent, invisible, reduced to the role of spectators in their own tragedy. It really makes me angry.

The Controversial Return of ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips

Nationalized by Chávez, they return as conquerors

History has a cruel sense of irony. ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, expelled from Venezuela nearly two decades ago when Hugo Chávez nationalized their oil projects, are now being invited to return. But they are not returning as supplicants; they are returning as conquerors, with the full support of the U.S. government and the promise of lucrative contracts. These two companies had invested billions of dollars in Venezuela’s oil sector before being expropriated by Chávez in 2007. They have since sought massive compensation for their confiscated assets, and international courts have ruled in their favor, ordering Venezuela to pay billions of dollars in damages. But Venezuela, ruined by the economic crisis, has never been able to pay these sums. Now, with Trump’s reconstruction plan, these companies have the opportunity not only to recoup their losses but also to enrich themselves considerably.

The return of ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips symbolizes capitalism’s revenge on Bolivarian socialism. Chávez had nationalized the oil industry in the name of the Venezuelan people, promising to use oil revenues to fund social programs and reduce poverty. But this experiment failed spectacularly, plunging the country into an unprecedented crisis. Now, U.S. oil companies are returning to regain control of what they consider rightfully theirs. This is an ideological victory for capitalism, but it is also a defeat for the idea that a country’s natural resources should belong to its people. Venezuela is trading a form of economic nationalism for dependence on foreign corporations. Is this really progress?

Capitalism’s Short Memory

What is striking is capitalism’s short memory. Twenty years ago, ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips were operating in Venezuela under conditions that were far from ideal. Corruption was rampant, contracts were often unilaterally renegotiated by the Venezuelan government, and working conditions were difficult. Yet these companies stayed because the potential profits were enormous. Then Chávez expelled them, and they vowed never to return. Now, less than two decades later, they are ready to return, lured once again by the potential profits. This ability to forget the past and focus solely on future opportunities is characteristic of modern capitalism. Ethical considerations, the lessons of history, political risks… All of that takes a back seat when there is money to be made.

But this short memory could backfire on them. Venezuela remains a deeply unstable country, with political and social tensions that could erupt at any moment. Investing billions of dollars in such an environment carries enormous risks. What will happen if a new, democratically elected Venezuelan government decides to renegotiate the oil contracts? What will happen if social movements demand a larger share of oil revenues for the Venezuelan people? These questions are not hypothetical; they are very real. And the oil companies know it. That is why they are demanding exceptional security guarantees before committing. They want to ensure that this time, they will not be expelled, that their investments will be protected, and that their profits will be guaranteed. And Trump seems ready to offer them these guarantees, even if it means compromising Venezuela’s sovereignty.

The return of ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips leaves a bitter taste in my mouth. These companies were expelled for good reasons. They were exploiting Venezuela’s resources without truly benefiting the people. Now they’re coming back, and we’re told that this is a good thing, that it’s the solution to Venezuela’s problems. But I can’t help but think that history will repeat itself. The companies will get rich, the local elites will get rich, and the Venezuelan people will remain poor. It’s a scenario we’ve seen all too often.

The security guarantees promised to corporations

Washington Protects Its Investors

One of the most controversial aspects of Trump’s plan concerns the security guarantees promised to oil companies. Trump has stated that the U.S. government would provide guarantees to protect corporate investments, but he has not specified the exact nature of these guarantees. Are these legal guarantees, with contracts that would place the companies above Venezuelan law? Are they military guarantees, with a permanent U.S. presence to protect oil facilities? Or are they financial guarantees, with the U.S. government committing to compensate for losses in the event of nationalization or expropriation? All of these options are problematic, as they undermine Venezuela’s sovereignty and create a situation where the interests of foreign corporations take precedence over those of the Venezuelan people.

The idea that the U.S. government would protect private investments abroad is not new. The United States has a long history of military and diplomatic interventions to protect the interests of its corporations in Latin America. But in the current context, where Venezuela has just undergone a U.S. military intervention, these guarantees take on a particularly troubling dimension. They suggest that Venezuela will not truly be free to determine its own future, but will instead be under the tutelage of Washington and U.S. oil companies. This is a form of neo-colonialism in all but name, where economic domination replaces direct political domination. Venezuela may have an elected government, but that government’s hands will be tied by oil contracts that guarantee, first and foremost, the profits of foreign corporations.

A State Within a State

If the oil companies obtain the guarantees they are demanding, they will effectively become a state within a state in Venezuela. They will control the most important sector of the economy, have priority access to oil revenues, and be protected by the U.S. government against any attempt at renegotiation or nationalization. This scenario is reminiscent of the worst excesses of economic colonialism, when foreign companies exploited the natural resources of poor countries with the support of their respective governments. Venezuela risks becoming an “oil banana republic,” where real power lies not with the elected government but with the foreign corporations that control the oil industry.

This situation raises fundamental questions about national sovereignty. Can a country truly be considered sovereign if its natural resources are controlled by foreign entities? If its economic decisions are dictated by the interests of foreign corporations? If its government cannot renegotiate contracts deemed unfair without risking military or economic retaliation? These questions are not theoretical; they lie at the heart of the debate over Trump’s reconstruction plan. And unfortunately, the Venezuelans themselves have no say in this debate. Their future is being decided in Washington, among Americans, without them being able to voice their concerns or aspirations. This is a fundamental injustice that should concern us all.

The security guarantees promised to corporations make my blood run cold. They turn Venezuela into a sort of American economic protectorate, where the interests of oil companies take precedence over everything else. This is a flagrant violation of national sovereignty, and it revolts me. Venezuela has the right to control its own resources, make its own decisions, and determine its own future. But this right is being denied, in the name of profits and geopolitics. This is unacceptable.

Venezuela: A Test Case for a New Economic Model

When a Country Becomes a Business Opportunity

Trump’s plan for Venezuela may represent a new model of post-conflict reconstruction, in which private corporations play the leading role, backed by the U.S. government. This model differs from traditional approaches to reconstruction, which typically involved international organizations such as the World Bank or the IMF, or bilateral aid programs between governments. Here, oil companies are calling the shots, with the U.S. government acting as a facilitator and guarantor. This amounts to the privatization of reconstruction, where potential profits are the primary driver rather than humanitarian or development considerations. This model could be replicated in other countries rich in natural resources but politically unstable, setting a troubling precedent.

But this model raises serious ethical questions. Is it acceptable to treat a country in distress as a business opportunity? Is it acceptable for private corporations to dictate the terms of a sovereign nation’s reconstruction? Is it acceptable for investors’ profits to take precedence over the well-being of the local population? These questions are not new; they have been raised every time wealthy countries have attempted to “rebuild” poor countries. But they take on particular urgency in the case of Venezuela, where U.S. military intervention and the economic reconstruction plan are so closely linked that they appear to be part of a single strategy. Venezuela is becoming a testing ground for this new model of economic neocolonialism, and the results of this experiment will have implications for many other countries.

Venezuelans: Absent from the Conversation

What is most striking about this whole affair is the total absence of Venezuelans from discussions about the future of their own country. Decisions are being made in Washington, between U.S. leaders and oil company executives. Venezuelans are treated as passive spectators, unable to determine their own destiny. This exclusion is symbolic of a neocolonial approach in which major powers decide the future of weaker countries without consulting them. Trump has mentioned that he would work with Venezuelan “democratic forces,” but who are these forces? Who has designated them as the legitimate representatives of the Venezuelan people? These fundamental questions are being sidestepped in the rush to implement this reconstruction plan.

The Venezuelan people have endured unimaginable suffering over the past few decades. Millions have fled the country, seeking refuge in neighboring nations. Those who have remained have faced hyperinflation, food and medicine shortages, and the collapse of public services. They deserve to have a say in their country’s future. They deserve to be consulted on the terms of the oil contracts that will determine their economic future. They deserve to be treated as citizens of a sovereign nation, not as subjects of an economic protectorate. But such consultation does not appear to be a priority for Trump or for the oil companies. The urgent priority is to secure investments, start production, and generate profits. Democratic considerations take a back seat.

The absence of Venezuelans from this conversation breaks my heart. They are the ones who have suffered; they are the ones who have lost their loved ones, their homes, and their dreams. And now, decisions are being made about their future without even consulting them. It is an insult to their dignity, to their humanity. Venezuela is not a company to be restructured; it is a country with a history, a culture, and a people. And that people deserves respect, deserves to be heard, deserves to have a say. But they are being denied this fundamental right, and that makes me furious.

Mixed Reactions from the Oil Industry

Between Cautious Enthusiasm and Eloquent Silence

The oil industry’s reactions to Trump’s plan have been mixed, to say the least. Some executives have expressed cautious interest, acknowledging Venezuela’s potential but emphasizing the need for stable frameworks and solid legal guarantees. Others have remained eloquently silent, refusing to comment publicly or confirm the financial commitments announced by Trump. This disconnect between the president’s statements and the reality of corporate commitments is telling. Oil companies are rational entities that make decisions based on rigorous cost-benefit analyses. They are not going to invest billions of dollars simply because the U.S. president asks them to. They want concrete guarantees, ironclad contracts, and solid legal protections. And until they have those guarantees, their enthusiasm will remain measured.

Chevron, the only U.S. major still operating in Venezuela, is in a unique position. The company has maintained a presence in the country despite sanctions and difficulties, and it understands the operational challenges on the ground better than anyone. Chevron could spearhead this reconstruction plan, but the company remains cautious in its public statements. ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, which were expelled from Venezuela nearly two decades ago, are even more cautious. They have scores to settle with Venezuela, compensation to recover, and they do not want to repeat the mistakes of the past. Their return to Venezuela will only happen if conditions are absolutely favorable, with exceptional guarantees and contracts that protect their long-term interests.

Investors are waiting for a stable framework

The message from the oil industry is clear: they are ready to invest, but only if stable frameworks are put in place. This means a legitimate and stable Venezuelan government, clear laws on foreign investment, legal protections for companies’ assets, and dispute resolution mechanisms in the event of litigation. All of this takes time to put in place, and it is unclear whether Venezuela will be able to provide these guarantees in the near future. The country is in a state of political transition, with a power vacuum created by Maduro’s arrest. Who will form the next government? How will it be formed? Will it be democratically elected or imposed by Washington? These fundamental questions remain unanswered, and until they are resolved, investors will remain cautious.

There is also the issue of oil prices. With global prices hovering around $60 per barrel, margins are tight for Venezuelan oil, which is among the most expensive in the world to produce. If prices fall further, investments in Venezuela could become unprofitable, even with government subsidies. Oil companies are aware of this volatility and factor these risks into their calculations. That is why they demand exceptional guarantees and long-term contracts that will allow them to recoup their investments even if prices fall. Venezuela, in its position of weakness, has no choice but to accept these conditions, however unfavorable they may be. This is the law of the jungle in its most brutal form.

The oil industry’s cautious reactions give me pause. These companies are not charities; they are in business to make a profit. And if they are hesitant to invest in Venezuela despite Trump’s promises, it is because they see risks that we may not see. Perhaps this reconstruction plan is not as solid as it is being presented to us. Perhaps the challenges are greater than Trump is willing to admit. Or perhaps the companies are simply waiting for even more favorable terms before committing. In any case, their caution is a warning sign that we should take seriously.

Conclusion: Savior or Predator?

A plan that raises more questions than it answers

So, what should we make of this plan to rebuild Venezuela orchestrated by Donald Trump? Is it a genuine opportunity for the country to get back on its feet after decades of crisis, or is it a new form of exploitation disguised as humanitarian aid? The answer isn’t simple, because the reality is complex and nuanced. On the one hand, it is undeniable that Venezuela desperately needs investment to rebuild its oil infrastructure and revive its economy. The $100 billion promised by Trump, even if it does not materialize in full, represents a considerable sum that could make a significant difference. U.S. oil companies possess the technical expertise and financial resources needed to restore Venezuela’s oil facilities, and their involvement could indeed lead to increased production and revenue for the country.

On the other hand, however, the terms of this plan raise serious concerns. The oil companies will quickly recoup their investment through oil revenues, and thereafter profits will be shared according to proportions that have not been made public. The security guarantees promised to corporations could compromise Venezuela’s sovereignty and create a situation where the interests of foreign companies take precedence over those of the Venezuelan people. The complete absence of Venezuelans from discussions about the future of their own country is deeply troubling and suggests a neocolonial approach in which major powers decide the fate of weaker nations without consulting them. The timing of the military intervention and the reconstruction plan suggests a carefully calculated strategy to secure access to Venezuela’s oil resources rather than a genuine desire to help the country rebuild in an equitable and sustainable manner.

In whose hands does Venezuela’s future lie?

The fundamental question at stake is that of sovereignty. Who will control Venezuela’s future? Will it be the Venezuelan people, through a democratically elected government that represents their interests? Or will it be U.S. oil companies, backed by the U.S. government, who will dictate the terms of the country’s economic development? The answer to this question will determine whether Venezuela can truly rebuild itself in a sustainable and equitable manner, or whether it will simply become a new form of economic colony. The coming months will be crucial. We will need to observe how the new Venezuelan government is established, how oil contracts are negotiated, how revenues are distributed, and above all, how the Venezuelan people react to these developments.

What is certain is that Venezuela is at a historic turning point. After decades of crisis, the country has an opportunity to rebuild itself, but this reconstruction will take place under the supervision of the United States and American oil companies. This is a high price to pay to emerge from the crisis, and it remains to be seen whether it is worth it. The Venezuelan people deserve better than to be treated as pawns in a geopolitical game, better than to see their country turned into a business opportunity for foreign corporations. They deserve to have a say in their country’s future, to control their own resources, and to determine their own destiny. But for now, they are denied that right, and it is a tragedy that should concern us all. History will judge whether Trump was a savior or a predator. But for Venezuelans living this reality day in and day out, the distinction may not be so clear.

I end this column with a deep sense of unease. I have tried to present the facts objectively, to weigh the pros and cons, and to understand the different perspectives. But deep down, I cannot help but feel that something is wrong. Venezuela deserves better than what is being offered to it. Its people deserve better. And I can only hope that, one way or another, Venezuelans will find the strength to take back control of their own destiny, to make their voices heard, and to assert their right to sovereignty and dignity. Because in the end, that’s what really matters. Not the billions of dollars, not the oil contracts, not the geopolitical games. What matters are people’s lives, their happiness, their freedom. And I sincerely hope that Venezuela will find its way toward a better future—a future that truly belongs to it.

Sources

Primary sources

India Today – “Donald Trump Meets Oil Giants: ‘We’re Going To Make Sure Venezuela Can Survive’” ” – Published January 10, 2026 – Video article detailing Trump’s press conference with oil company executives and the announcement of a $100 billion investment plan to rebuild Venezuela’s oil infrastructure following the arrest of Nicolás Maduro.

Reuters – “Trump to Meet with Oil Companies at the White House Regarding Venezuela” – Published January 6, 2026 – Article by Steve Holland, Trevor Hunnicutt, and Susan Heavey detailing the planned meeting between Trump and oil company executives, including statements by Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on business opportunities and Goldman Sachs’ analysis of the technical challenges of reconstruction.

CNBC – “Trump administration has spoken to multiple oil companies about Venezuela, White House official says” – Published January 5, 2026 – Article by Spencer Kimball confirming that the Trump administration has held discussions with several oil companies regarding Venezuela, featuring statements from White House spokesperson Taylor Rogers on the companies’ willingness to invest.

Secondary sources

Goldman Sachs Energy Conference – Remarks by Daan Struyven, co-head of commodities research, at the Goldman Sachs Energy, CleanTech, and Utilities Conference in Miami in January 2026, regarding realistic estimates of Venezuelan oil production and the time required for reconstruction.

Fox Business Network – Interview with Interior Secretary Doug Burgum in January 2026, discussing options for rapidly boosting Venezuelan oil production and describing the business opportunity as “enormous.”

NBC News – Remarks by Donald Trump on January 6, 2026, regarding the necessary investments and the mechanism for reimbursing oil companies through Venezuelan oil revenues.

This content was created with the help of AI.

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