The Argument of Instrumentalized Narcoterrorism
The main justification put forward by the Trump administration to justify this daring military operation is based on the accusation of narco-terrorism leveled against President Maduro and his wife. The U.S. Department of Justice has issued a new indictment describing the Venezuelan regime as a “corrupt and illegitimate government” fueled by a drug trafficking operation that has flooded the United States with cocaine. Maduro and his wife are accused of running this criminal network from the presidential palace, using state institutions to facilitate the transit of narcotics to the U.S. market. These accusations are not new: Maduro had already been indicted in 2020 on charges of conspiracy to commit narco-terrorism, but the charges never led to direct action against him. It is only now, after months of secret military preparations and intense diplomatic pressure, that Washington has decided to take action.
However, many observers point out the inconsistency of this justification when viewed in the context of other recent decisions by the Trump administration. Less than three weeks before the attack on Venezuela, the U.S. president pardoned his friend Juan Orlando Hernández, the former president of Honduras who was sentenced to forty years in prison for smuggling tons of cocaine into the United States during his term in office. This decision stands in stark contrast to the hardline rhetoric adopted toward Maduro, suggesting that the fight against drug trafficking is more of a convenient pretext than a genuine motive for the intervention. Critics also point out that if the United States were truly committed to combating narco-terrorism in the region, it had numerous other diplomatic and legal tools at its disposal without needing to resort to a military invasion that violates international law. The selectivity of the U.S. approach casts serious doubt on the sincerity of its stated motivations.
I can’t help but laugh bitterly when I hear Trump posing as an international vigilante fighting against the narco-state. The same Trump who released Juan Orlando Hernández—a notorious drug trafficker sentenced to life in prison for flooding the United States with cocaine—is now outraged by Maduro’s alleged involvement in similar activities. This is the height of hypocrisy! It’s as if a bank robber were to start lecturing pickpockets on morality. The truth is that Trump couldn’t care less about drugs, their victims, or the families destroyed by addiction. What interests him is power, spectacle, and the public humiliation of an adversary he has chosen to destroy. Maduro is not a threat to U.S. security; he’s a convenient target, a perfect scapegoat to justify an invasion whose real motives lie elsewhere. When I see this crude manipulation of public opinion, I wonder how many people are still falling for these shameless lies.
The Far-Fetched Reference to Weapons of Mass Destruction
In his January 3 press conference, Trump drew an explicit parallel between the operation in Venezuela and the 2003 invasion of Iraq, declaring that just as the weapons of mass destruction never existed, he had fabricated a new threat from scratch to justify U.S. intervention: the fentanyl that Maduro allegedly flooded into the U.S. market. This astonishing statement reveals abysmal military and diplomatic naivety—or worse, a total contempt for the intelligence of the global public. By openly admitting to fabricating a pretext to justify a military invasion, Trump not only confesses to a flagrant violation of international law, but also casts doubt on the legitimacy of all future U.S. interventions, whatever they may be.
The consequences of this admission will reverberate for a long time in global diplomacy. If the U.S. president publicly admits to lying to justify a war, how can leaders of other countries ever believe Washington’s claims about security threats? How can the United States’ traditional allies continue to trust U.S. intelligence to justify their own military involvement alongside Washington? This statement marks a dramatic turning point in the credibility of the U.S. as a superpower and risks encouraging other powers to invoke dubious pretexts to justify their own military interventions. The Trump administration seems to ignore or mock the long-term implications of its statements for the stability of the rules-based international system and mutual trust among states.
When I heard Trump admit that he had made up the fentanyl story to justify his invasion of Venezuela, I thought I was going to faint with rage. It is an explicit admission of a state lie, a public confession of deliberate deception of international public opinion. And the worst part is that he says it with that arrogant smile, that calm self-assurance of someone who has never had to answer to anyone. I am terrified at the thought that this kind of behavior might become the norm in international politics. If the president of the world’s most powerful nation can lie with impunity to justify a war, where will the decline of truth end? How will we ever be able to believe anything governments tell us in the future? This opens the door to a world where lying becomes a legitimate tool of governance, and that prospect gives me nightmares.
Section 3: Trump's Oil Dream
Venezuela’s Oil Reserves: America’s New Eldorado
Beyond the official justifications, the true motivation behind U.S. intervention in Venezuela is clearly evident in the statements and actions of the Trump administration: control over the country’s vast oil reserves. Venezuela officially possesses the world’s largest proven oil reserves, estimated at over 300 billion barrels, far ahead of Saudi Arabia. However, decades of mismanagement, endemic corruption, and economic sanctions have reduced production to a fraction of its potential, leaving these resources untapped or underutilized. For Trump, a businessman by training, these reserves represent a colossal economic opportunity that he is eager to seize to enrich American companies and, incidentally, fill the federal government’s coffers.
During his press conference, Trump repeatedly cited the economic benefits the United States would derive from controlling Venezuelan oil, asserting that the invasion “wouldn’t cost us a penny” because it would be financed by “the money coming out of the ground.” This rhetoric is an unfortunate reminder of the promises made before the 2003 invasion of Iraq, when neoconservatives assured the public that Iraqi oil would largely finance the costs of the occupation and reconstruction. Energy experts now estimate that the Iraq War ultimately cost U.S. taxpayers at least 2,000 billion dollars—far beyond the initial optimistic projections. Restoring Venezuela’s oil industry will require massive investments over several years, perhaps even decades, before it generates significant revenue. The infrastructure is in a deplorable state, skilled personnel have fled en masse, and the technology needed to extract Venezuela’s heavy and extra-heavy oil reserves is extremely costly.
I am sickened by this mercantile view of foreign policy that reduces an entire country and its millions of inhabitants to nothing more than a financial asset to be exploited. When Trump talks about Venezuela as a “deal” that will “pay for itself,” I feel a cold anger rising within me. These are human beings, not natural resources! Venezuelans have suffered for years under brutal sanctions, devastating hyperinflation, and poverty that has destroyed millions of lives. And now, instead of helping them rebuild their democracy and economy for themselves, the United States is setting itself up as master to plunder their wealth. This is colonialism in its purest form, but with a modern face—precision-guided missiles and internationalist lawyers to justify the plunder. I am ashamed of our civilization, which seems to have learned nothing from history, to have retained nothing from the lessons of centuries of imperialist exploitation.
The Oil Majors Are Already Positioned
As soon as the capture of Maduro and U.S. control of Venezuela were announced, the major U.S. oil companies began positioning themselves to benefit from this new market. ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, and others immediately announced that they were ready to evaluate investment opportunities in the country, while the Secretary of Energy stated that the U.S. government would facilitate the rapid return of American companies to Venezuela’s energy sector. This rush by U.S. private interests to appropriate the natural resources of a sovereign country invaded by their own government constitutes a flagrant conflict of interest that should not be tolerated in any democracy worthy of the name.
Legal experts emphasize that any exploitation of Venezuela’s natural resources by foreign companies under military occupation violates not only international law but also the most basic principles of justice and ethics. The revenues generated by these operations will not benefit the Venezuelan people but will line the coffers of U.S. companies and, incidentally, the U.S. federal budget, which seeks to finance a costly military occupation. This situation is reminiscent of the darkest days of colonialism, when European powers extracted wealth from their colonies with no regard for local populations. The 21st century was supposed to mark the end of these archaic practices, but Trump’s invasion of Venezuela seems to be dragging the world back to an era that many thought was long gone.
The speed with which the major oil companies have pounced on Venezuela leaves me speechless. Even before the dust from the bombings has settled, before Venezuelans have even grasped what is happening to them, the CEOs of Exxon and Chevron are already rubbing their hands together, calculating the billions they stand to pocket. It’s obscene, it’s indecent, it’s immoral. These companies won’t pay to rebuild the hospitals, schools, and infrastructure destroyed by U.S. bombings. They won’t pay to feed the children who have been starving for years under the sanctions. They’ll simply extract the oil, pocket the profits, and let the Venezuelan people continue to suffer in poverty. This is unbridled capitalism at its worst, without the slightest regard for human dignity, and I am sickened to witness this resurgence of colonialism in a modern form.
Section 4: The Political Vacuum and Internal Reactions
Uncertainty Over the Country’s Direction
Maduro’s capture created an immediate political vacuum in Venezuela, leaving the country in a state of alarming instability. According to the Venezuelan constitution, Vice President Delcy Rodríguez was theoretically supposed to assume the presidency on an interim basis in the event of the head of state’s absence or incapacity. However, in a show of defiance toward Washington, Rodríguez refused to take power, stating in a televised address that she did not intend to assume the presidency and demanding the immediate release of Maduro, whom she considers “the only president of Venezuela.” A Venezuelan court subsequently ordered Rodríguez to assume the role of interim president, creating an ambiguous and potentially explosive constitutional situation.
Trump, for his part, stated that the United States would lead the country “until we can bring about a safe, proper, and sensible transition,” without specifying who would succeed Maduro or what process would be used to organize that transition. During his press conference, he indicated that the people standing behind him—including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth—would oversee the country, suggesting that U.S. administrators will take direct control of Venezuelan institutions. This prospect raises countless legal and practical questions: How can a foreign power legitimately govern a sovereign country? What will be the actual powers of these U.S. administrators? How will Venezuelan institutions be able to function under foreign oversight? No clear answers have been provided to these fundamental questions, which only serves to increase the uncertainty and anxiety among the population.
I am struck by the absurdity of this situation: Trump is taking control of a country whose geography he probably doesn’t even know, without any concrete plan to govern it or steer it toward any kind of stability. It’s as if a rich child were taking possession of a complex toy without having the slightest idea how to make it work. The real consequences of this dangerous improvisation will be borne by the Venezuelan people, who have already suffered for years under Maduro. Trump doesn’t care who will lead Venezuela after Maduro, how the institutions will function, or whether the people will have access to essential services. His sole objective is to maintain control long enough to extract the oil and make money. This is a cynical and inhumane vision of foreign policy, and I am terrified at the thought of the humanitarian disasters that could result.
Mixed Reactions from the Venezuelan People
The Venezuelan public’s reactions to the U.S. operation have been mixed, to say the least, reflecting the deep polarization that has divided the country for years. In the streets of Caracas, groups of Maduro supporters gathered to protest what they called an “imperialist kidnapping,” chanting slogans demanding the return of the captured president. The mayor of Caracas, Carmen Meléndez, joined these demonstrations, urging the crowd to support Maduro and resist U.S. interference. These demonstrations reflect the enduring loyalty of a segment of the population to the Chavista regime, despite the years of economic crisis and political repression that have marked its rule.
However, in other parts of the country—and particularly among the Venezuelan diaspora—Maduro’s arrest was met with relief and even celebration. In Doral, Florida—home to the largest Venezuelan community in the United States—hundreds of people gathered in the streets, draped in Venezuelan flags, to celebrate the fall of the president they consider a dictator. Chants of “Freedom! Freedom! Freedom!” echoed through the streets of this Miami suburb, where Venezuelan exiles celebrated what they saw as the end of an era of oppression. In Maracay, a 37-year-old shopkeeper named Carolina Pimentel expressed her joy at the events, saying: “I’m happy; for a moment I doubted this would happen because it’s like a movie.” These contrasting reactions illustrate the complexity of the situation in Venezuela, where millions have suffered under Maduro’s regime but where others remain deeply attached to the original Chavista project.
What moves me most about this story is the suffering of the Venezuelan people, caught in a vise between two tyrannies: that of Maduro and now that of the U.S. occupation. For years, Venezuelans have been forced to choose between two bad options: stay in their country and suffer under an authoritarian regime, or flee abroad and live in exile with all the pain that entails. Now they face a third ordeal: the humiliation of seeing their country occupied by a foreign power that claims to act in their best interests while plundering their wealth. When I see these divided families, these parents mourning their departed children, these children who have grown up without ever knowing their homeland, my heart breaks. Venezuelans deserved better than a corrupt dictator on one side and greedy imperialism on the other. They deserved the right to determine their own destiny, free from foreign interference and internal oppression. It is this fundamental right that has been stolen from them, and it is a tragedy that I cannot accept without feeling deep sadness.
Section 5: The Crisis of International Legitimacy
The Insoluble Legal Issues
International legal experts immediately highlighted the numerous legal issues raised by the U.S. operation in Venezuela. First and foremost, no provision of international law permits one state to invade another to change its regime by force, regardless of the legitimacy of the accusations leveled against the incumbent government. The United Nations Charter explicitly prohibits the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, except in self-defense in the event of an armed attack or an action authorized by the Security Council. Neither of these exceptions clearly applies to the case of Venezuela: the country has not attacked the United States, and the Security Council has not authorized military intervention.
Second, the arrest of a sitting head of state by a foreign power violates a fundamental principle of customary international law that grants immunity to heads of state for acts performed in the exercise of their official duties. This immunity is designed to protect the sovereignty of states and prevent their leaders from being subject to the jurisdiction of foreign courts for political decisions. Although Maduro is accused of serious crimes, his forced arrest and extradition by the United States set a dangerous precedent that could be invoked to justify the arrest of leaders from other countries by rival powers. Some legal experts have suggested that the United States could have prosecuted Maduro before the International Criminal Court rather than proceeding with a unilateral arrest by force.
I am appalled by the Trump administration’s utter disregard for the most fundamental rules of international law. When I see how Trump brushes aside centuries of legal development—principles that emerged from the horrors of World War II to prevent the return of barbarism—I lose hope in humanity. This isn’t just a matter of technical legality; it’s a matter of civilization. International law exists for a reason: to prevent the strong from being the only ones to dictate the law to the weak. By so cynically violating it, Trump is taking us back to a state of nature where only force matters, where only the balance of power determines what is just and what is unjust. It’s a return to the jungle, and I’m terrified by what this means for the future of our species. If the most powerful can do whatever they want without any constraints, what remains of the concept of justice?
The Complicit Silence of Many Democracies
Perhaps even more troubling than the operation itself is the timid—or even silent—reaction of many Western democracies that nevertheless pride themselves on being defenders of the rule of law and a rules-based international order. The European Union, in a statement released on Monday, merely “expressed its concern” and called for “respect for international law,” without any explicit condemnation of the invasion or any threat of diplomatic consequences. The United Kingdom, a traditional ally of the United States, limited itself to stating that it was “monitoring the situation closely” without taking a clear stance. France, for its part, issued an ambiguous statement that criticized U.S. “methods” while acknowledging “the need to address the challenges posed by the Maduro regime.”
This lukewarm response stands in stark contrast to the immediate and vehement reactions these same countries had adopted during Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. At the time, the West had imposed massive sanctions on Moscow, supplied weapons to Kyiv, and strongly denounced the violation of a sovereign state’s sovereignty. Today, faced with a similar invasion carried out by a Western ally, these same countries seem suddenly paralyzed, unable to clearly condemn what should be condemnable on principle. This blatant double standard undermines the West’s moral credibility and fuels accusations of hypocrisy leveled by Russia, China, and other powers that have long criticized what they perceive as a selective application of the principles of international law based on Western geopolitical interests.
The silence of European democracies makes me want to scream with rage. How can our leaders—who have spent years droning on about moral lessons regarding respect for international law—now remain silent in the face of this flagrant violation? It is hypocrisy enough to make one weep, an intellectual and moral cowardice that deeply disgusts me. I fully understand why Russia and China scoff at our condemnations when they see how we treat our own friends. How can we claim to defend democratic values when we turn a blind eye to an outright invasion simply because it is carried out by our allies? It is this duplicity that leads to disaster, that allows dictators around the world to justify their own crimes by pointing to our inconsistency. We are losing all moral legitimacy, all capacity to criticize anyone—and that may be the worst damage caused by Trump’s Venezuelan adventure.
Section 6: The Resurgence of the Monroe Doctrine
Open American Imperialism
In his press conference, Trump explicitly invoked the Monroe Doctrine, formulated in 1823 by President James Monroe, which asserted that the Western Hemisphere was the exclusive sphere of influence of the United States and that any European intervention in the Americas would be considered a hostile act. This doctrine, which justified decades of U.S. interventions in Latin America during the 19th and 20th centuries, had largely lost its relevance in the multipolar world of the 21st century, where Latin American countries have developed their own relationships with China, Russia, the European Union, and other global powers.
By reviving this colonialist doctrine, Trump seeks to reaffirm U.S. hegemony over a region that had gradually freed itself from Washington’s control over the past few decades. The Monroe Doctrine was used to justify the invasion of Panama in 1989, interventions in Guatemala in 1954, in Chile in 1973, and in countless other Latin American countries where the United States overthrew governments that did not suit its interests. By explicitly invoking this imperialist past, Trump not only justifies his actions in Venezuela but also signals his future intentions toward other countries in the region that might stray from the political line dictated by Washington.
When I hear Trump invoke the Monroe Doctrine as if it were an acceptable modern principle, I feel like laughing and crying at the same time. This doctrine was formulated in the 19th century, at a time when Latin American countries were young, fragile republics—economically dependent and politically unstable. To use it to justify interventions in the 21st century—when Latin America has produced dynamic economies, stable democracies, and credible leaders—is a complete disregard for the region’s historical evolution. It is as if Europe were attempting to resurrect the colonial system in Africa on the grounds that it was acceptable in the 19th century. It is anachronistic, it is arrogant, and it is insulting to the Latin American peoples who have struggled for decades to free themselves from U.S. tutelage. I am ashamed that a U.S. president could still think in such archaic, imperialist terms.
The “Donroe Doctrine”: A Terrifying Neologism
In a moment of disturbing candor, Trump suggested during his press conference that the updated version of the Monroe Doctrine could be called the “Donroe Doctrine,” a neologism that combines his own name with that of the original doctrine. This attempt to personally appropriate a geopolitical principle that has guided U.S. foreign policy for two centuries illustrates the U.S. president’s narcissism and his desire to leave his mark on history at any cost. More than ever, the intervention in Venezuela appears to be an operation designed as much to satisfy one man’s ego as to serve actual strategic interests.
This revealing neologism masks a deeper reality: the transformation of U.S. foreign policy into an extension of the president’s personality. International decisions are no longer made on the basis of a rational analysis of national interests and systemic constraints, but rather according to the moods, obsessions, and internal political calculations of a single man. This extreme personalization of foreign policy creates unpredictable instability in international relations, as no long-term strategy can be built on the whims of an individual who may change his mind overnight depending on his mood or electoral interests.
The “Donroe Doctrine”… this neologism makes me shudder with disgust. Trump is not just a president; he sees himself as an emperor, an absolute monarch whose name must be etched into history alongside America’s greatest leaders. This bombastic pretension masks a deep insecurity, a desperate need for validation and recognition that drives him to commit reckless acts just to leave his mark on the world. I am terrified by this narcissistic vision of power, where one man can use the immense resources of a superpower to satisfy his personal desires for greatness and recognition. It is pathological, it is dangerous, and it is destroying real lives, real families, and entire countries to satisfy the oversized ego of a single man.
Section 7: Disturbing Historical Parallels
The Ghosts of Iraq and Panama
Trump’s invasion of Venezuela is an unfortunate reminder of other U.S. military interventions that ended in disaster. The most obvious comparison is with the 2003 invasion of Iraq, justified by false allegations of weapons of mass destruction that never existed, and which led to years of costly occupation, a brutal civil war, and the emergence of the Islamic State. Trump himself criticized that invasion during his 2016 presidential campaign, calling it a “big, costly mistake” and stating that he was “particularly proud to be the first president in decades not to have started any new wars.” This spectacular about-face suggests either profound inconsistency or calculated political opportunism that betrays a total disregard for the principles he previously espoused.
The other obvious historical parallel is the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1989, under President George H.W. Bush, which aimed to capture the dictator Manuel Noriega, who was accused of drug trafficking. That operation was justified by the same arguments about combating drug trafficking as those used today against Maduro, and resulted in Noriega’s arrest and extradition to the United States, where he was sentenced to life in prison. However, contrary to what Trump suggests, the invasion of Panama did not result in a lasting U.S. occupation or the exploitation of Panamanian resources by U.S. companies. On the contrary, it was followed by a relatively rapid transition to a democratically elected civilian government. The major difference with the operation in Venezuela lies in Trump’s explicitly economic intentions, which transform the military occupation into a commercial enterprise.
The historical parallels with Iraq haunt me. When I recall the lies about weapons of mass destruction, the promises of democracy, and the reality of a brutal occupation that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, I tremble for Venezuela. Trump himself admits to having fabricated the pretext of fentanyl, just as Bush and his neoconservatives had fabricated the weapons of mass destruction. And we all know how that ended: years of chaos, violence, and destruction. Trump claims that this time will be different, that his occupation will be “short and successful.” But history teaches us a cruel lesson: military invasions are rarely short, and foreign occupations are almost always disastrous for the local population. I am terrified at the thought that we are repeating the mistakes of the past, knowing exactly what the consequences will be.
The Forgotten Lessons of History
Every U.S. military intervention in Latin America has ultimately led to outcomes contrary to its stated objectives: increased instability, lasting hostility toward the United States, and often the emergence of governments even more radical than those it sought to overthrow. The 1954 intervention in Guatemala, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Jacobo Árbenz, triggered decades of civil war that claimed some 200,000 lives. The 1973 coup in Chile, which brought General Pinochet to power, led to 17 years of brutal dictatorship marked by forced disappearances, torture, and summary executions. The 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba not only failed to overthrow Castro but also strengthened his regime and pushed the island toward an alliance with the Soviet Union.
These repeated failures suggest that attempts at regime change by force are almost always counterproductive in the long run. Local populations, even when they detest their government, almost always end up rallying against the foreign invader out of nationalism and pride. Governments installed by foreign powers lack legitimacy and are perpetually dependent on external military support to remain in power. And the resources extracted during the occupation create lasting resentment that fuels generations of hostility toward the occupying power. Trump seems to ignore these historical lessons, convinced that his strong personality and iron will will enable him to overcome the obstacles that have caused all previous attempts to fail.
What despairs me the most is our collective ability to forget the lessons of history. Each generation seems doomed to repeat the same mistakes, forgetting past sufferings, broken promises, and avoidable disasters. I get the impression that Trump knows nothing about Latin American history, nothing about past U.S. interventions, nothing about the millions of lives destroyed by these imperialist adventures. To him, these events are nothing more than lines in a history book, devoid of concrete reality and human consequences. But for Latin Americans, these memories are vivid, painful, and passed down from generation to generation. When Trump invades Venezuela, he may not realize that he is reawakening these historical traumas, that he is fueling a resentment that will last for decades, if not centuries. It is this arrogant ignorance of the past that leads to the catastrophes of the present.
Section 8: Mixed International Reactions
Strong Condemnation from China and Russia
International reactions to the invasion of Venezuela have revealed deep divisions within the global community, with China and Russia firmly opposed to U.S. action on one side, and certain Western countries taking a much more accommodating stance on the other. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a scathing statement condemning “this hegemonic behavior by the United States, which seriously violates international law, infringes upon Venezuela’s sovereignty, and threatens peace and security in Latin America and the Caribbean.” Beijing, which has invested heavily in Venezuela’s energy sector and views Latin America as a strategic area for economic expansion, sees the U.S. intervention as a direct threat to its interests in the region.
Russia, a longstanding military and economic ally of the Maduro regime, has also strongly condemned the operation. Moscow has supplied Venezuela with fighter jets, air defense systems, and military personnel to train the Venezuelan armed forces, making the country an important foothold for the projection of Russian power in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. invasion therefore represents not only a diplomatic humiliation for Russia—which has lost a key ally in its own backyard—but also a dangerous precedent that could be used by the West to justify interventions in other regions under Russian influence, particularly in Eastern Europe or Central Asia.
I am perplexed by the condemnations from China and Russia. On the one hand, they are perfectly justified: the invasion of Venezuela is a flagrant violation of international law that any nation that respects the rules should condemn. On the other hand, I cannot help but sense a certain cynical irony. China, which has occupied Tibet for decades, oppresses the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, and constantly threatens Taiwan with invasion—is it really posing as a defender of national sovereignty? Russia, which invaded Ukraine, annexed Crimea, and maintains a military occupation in Georgia—is it really outraged by American imperialism? This is hypocrisy taken to its extreme. But that does not change the fact that they are fundamentally correct: the invasion of Venezuela is illegal, immoral, and dangerous. And the fact that even countries like China and Russia can rightly point out Western hypocrisy shows just how much the West has lost all moral credibility.
Latin America’s Ambiguous Reactions
Reactions from Latin American countries have been mixed, to say the least, reflecting the complexity of their relations with the United States and the ideological polarization dividing the continent. Argentine President Javier Milei, a natural ally of Trump and a fervent advocate of ultraliberal policies, hailed what he called Venezuela’s “new freedom,” declaring that the end of the Maduro regime represented a victory for the forces of freedom against totalitarianism. This enthusiastic reaction stands in stark contrast to Argentina’s traditional stance in favor of non-interference and respect for sovereignty, illustrating the radical shift in foreign policy under the Milei presidency.
On the opposite end of the political spectrum, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador condemned the U.S. intervention as an unacceptable violation of Venezuelan sovereignty, reaffirming Mexico’s traditional principle of non-intervention, which has guided the country’s foreign policy for decades. In Brazil, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva stated that the U.S. action had “crossed an unacceptable line,” emphasizing that the history of foreign interventions in Latin America has brought nothing but suffering and instability. These contrasting reactions illustrate the deep division that exists today on the Latin American continent between governments favoring close alignment with the United States and those advocating for greater strategic autonomy and resistance to Washington’s hegemony.
What strikes me about these Latin American reactions is the historical pain that shines through the official statements. When Lula speaks of an “unacceptable line,” I sense behind those formal words the memory of decades of U.S. interventions that have destroyed democracies, propped up dictatorships, and plundered resources. In these condemnations lies a collective memory of past suffering, a keen awareness of what it means to be a small nation facing an arrogant superpower. I understand why Milei, with his blind neoliberal ideology, celebrates this invasion: for him, the United States is a model to emulate, not a threat to fear. But for the majority of Latin Americans, the United States is instead a reminder of a history of domination, exploitation, and contempt. It is this historical pain that Trump ignores with criminal recklessness, and it is this ignorance that makes his intervention all the more hurtful to the peoples of the region.
Section 9: Global Economic Consequences
The Impact on Oil Markets
The U.S. invasion of Venezuela and its takeover of the country’s vast oil reserves immediately sent shockwaves through global energy markets. Oil prices experienced unusual volatility in the days following the operation, with initial increases followed by declines as markets grappled with the long-term implications of the change in control over one of the world’s largest reserves. Energy analysts estimate that it will take several years, if not decades, for Venezuelan production to return to a significant level, given the disastrous state of the infrastructure, the lack of skilled personnel, and the massive investments needed to modernize the sector.
However, in the longer term, the integration of Venezuelan reserves into the U.S. sphere of influence could substantially alter the geopolitical balance of energy. The United States, which has already become the world’s largest oil producer thanks to the shale oil boom, could use Venezuela to further strengthen its dominant position and exert increased pressure on the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). OPEC member countries, which are already struggling to maintain their influence on global markets in the face of the United States’ rising power, could see their ability to influence prices and supplies further reduced if Washington succeeds in bringing Venezuela’s oil fields back online.
When I see how the financial markets are reacting to the invasion of Venezuela as if it were merely a business transaction, I feel a deep sense of revulsion. Millions of people are suffering, lives are being destroyed, an entire country is under military occupation, and investors are concerned only with the impact on oil prices and the profits of energy companies. This is the triumph of indifference, the victory of money over humanity. I am sickened to see how our economic system has managed to completely dehumanize international relations, turning entire nations into mere financial assets to be bought and sold. Venezuelans are not shareholders in a major oil company; they are human beings with rights, aspirations, and dignity. But to the financial markets, none of that matters. What matters is the barrel of oil, the dividend, the quarterly profit. It’s a worldview that makes me physically sick.
The Consequences for the Venezuelan Economy
The Venezuelan economy, already devastated by years of mismanagement, hyperinflation, and economic sanctions, risks suffering considerable additional damage as a result of the U.S. occupation. Although Trump has promised that the United States will “fix” the Venezuelan oil industry and use the revenues to finance the occupation, economic experts point out that the reality will likely be much more complex and painful for the local population. The U.S. sanctions that had been imposed on Maduro could be replaced by a new economic system under Washington’s direct control, where decisions on the distribution of resources will be made by U.S. administrators rather than by elected representatives of the Venezuelan people.
This situation risks creating a colonial-style economy in which the country’s wealth is extracted and exported without significant benefits for the local population. U.S. companies investing in Venezuela’s oil sector will likely repatriate the majority of their profits to the United States, leaving only crumbs for the local economy. At the same time, the military occupation will require massive spending to secure the territory and maintain order—spending that will be financed by the country’s own resources rather than by U.S. taxpayers, as Trump promised. This economic scenario bears an unfortunate resemblance to the colonial systems of the 19th century, in which European powers exploited the resources of their colonies to enrich their home countries while keeping the local population in poverty.
I am terrified by the economic future that awaits Venezuelans under U.S. occupation. Trump promises massive investments, millions of jobs, and renewed prosperity. But history teaches us a bitter lesson: foreign occupations rarely benefit the local population, no matter what promises are made. American companies will come to extract oil, pocket the profits, and leave without leaving much behind. Venezuelans will continue to suffer from poverty, a lack of infrastructure, and failing health care services. The only difference will be that their wealth will end up in the coffers of American companies rather than in the pockets of Maduro’s corrupt elite. Is this the “freedom” that Trump claims to bring? Replacing a corrupt elite with foreign exploitation? This is not liberation; it is merely a change of masters.
Section 10: The Bleak Outlook of the Occupation
The Human Cost of the Occupation
Although Trump claimed that the invasion of Venezuela was an “extremely successful operation” that resulted in “only a few casualties” on the U.S. side, reports coming out of the country suggest that the actual human cost is much higher. Venezuelan sources have reported that civilians and members of the armed forces were killed during the airstrikes and ground operations, although the exact number of casualties remains difficult to determine due to the chaos reigning in the country. The military operation also caused considerable property damage, with images showing destroyed military buildings and residential neighborhoods damaged by the explosions.
In the longer term, the military occupation of Venezuela risks resulting in even higher human costs. Foreign occupations have historically tended to spark resistance movements that lead to cycles of violence and retaliation that can last for years, or even decades. Venezuelans who have already suffered under the Maduro regime may well rally against the foreign occupier out of nationalism and pride, creating a situation of chronic instability that will prevent any political and economic normalization. U.S. forces deployed in the country risk coming under attack from insurgents, while counterinsurgency operations could result in human rights violations and further suffering for the civilian population.
When Trump talks about an “extremely successful” operation with only “a few casualties,” it makes me want to vomit. This sanitized language hides a brutal reality: human beings have died, families have been destroyed, lives have been shattered forever. And this is only the beginning. Military occupations never end well for the occupied populations, no matter what promises the invaders make. Venezuelans will now have to live with foreign soldiers on their streets, military checkpoints, curfews, and the constant fear of violence. Children will grow up knowing nothing but occupation; parents will live in fear for their children; the elderly will see their homeland transformed into a permanent war zone. This is the bleak future that Trump has imposed on Venezuelans without asking their opinion, without taking their aspirations into account—simply because he decided it was in America’s interest.
The Risk of a Military Quagmire
Despite Trump’s assurances that the U.S. occupation would be “short and successful,” many military experts and geopolitical analysts warn of the risk of a prolonged quagmire in a counterinsurgency-style situation. Foreign occupations have historically tended to last much longer than anticipated, as demonstrated by U.S. experiences in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. In those countries, U.S. forces remained bogged down for years in the face of determined and adaptable resistance movements, despite overwhelming military superiority.
Venezuela has several characteristics that could make counterinsurgency particularly difficult: a vast and rugged terrain, a heavily armed population accustomed to violence, porous borders that could allow external actors to support the resistance, and a history of anti-imperialist struggles that could inspire a new generation of fighters. Furthermore, the U.S. military presence in the country could provide Russia, China, Iran, and other geopolitical adversaries of Washington with an opportunity to support insurgent groups there in order to weaken the United States and divert its attention from other potential theaters of operation, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region.
I am haunted by the parallels with Afghanistan. Trump himself had criticized the Afghan occupation as a “bottomless pit” that had cost thousands of lives and trillions of dollars without accomplishing anything. And yet, he is now launching a new military occupation that could very well follow the exact same destructive pattern. Venezuelans are not Afghans, and their country is not Afghanistan, but the fundamental dynamics of foreign occupations remain the same: populations eventually rally against the occupier, resistance becomes more unmanageable over time, and human and financial costs skyrocket. Trump seems to think that his strong personality and iron will will allow him to avoid this fate. But history teaches us a cruel lesson: even the greatest powers cannot impose their will by force without popular consent for an extended period. I fear that Venezuela may become America’s new Afghanistan—a bottomless pit of blood and money that will never end.
Section 11: The Domestic Crisis in the United States
Exacerbated Political Divisions
The invasion of Venezuela has sparked a political storm in the United States, exacerbating the already deep divisions across the country between Trump’s supporters and opponents. The vast majority of Republicans supported the military operation, praising the president’s decision to eliminate a threat to national security and secure Venezuela’s oil reserves for America’s benefit. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell called the operation a “historic success” that “demonstrates America’s unparalleled leadership on the world stage.” This Republican unity behind Trump contrasts with the internal divisions within the Democratic Party.
Among Democrats, reactions were much more mixed, with some moderate senators treading carefully in their criticism for fear of being accused of a lack of patriotism. However, several prominent party figures denounced the operation as a dangerous violation of international law and an unwarranted distraction from the domestic challenges facing the country. Connecticut Senator Jim Himes, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, stated that he had seen “no evidence justifying Trump’s strike on Venezuela without congressional approval” and demanded an immediate briefing from the administration on “its plan to ensure stability in the region and its legal justification for this decision.”
I am sickened by the political polarization that is paralyzing America and making any rational debate on foreign policy impossible. When I see Republicans cheering on an illegal invasion simply because it is led by their president, I lose faith in American democracy. This is no longer politics; it’s blind personality cult, total submission to a man who can do anything without ever being questioned by his supporters. And when I see Democrats hesitating to clearly condemn this invasion for fear of being labeled unpatriotic, I feel a mixture of anger and pity. Where has political courage gone? Where has a sense of responsibility gone? How can people who claim to be servants of the people accept that a single man unilaterally decides to invade a sovereign country and commit thousands of soldiers to a dangerous venture without any democratic debate? This is a betrayal of the fundamental principles of democracy.
The Risk to the “America First” Agenda
The invasion of Venezuela represents a fundamental contradiction with the “America First” agenda that Trump promised during his presidential campaign. This so-called isolationism had appealed to many voters weary of decades of costly and counterproductive military interventions in distant lands. Trump had criticized the U.S. involvement in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria, promising to end the “forever wars” and focus American resources on domestic priorities. By invading Venezuela, he is betraying those promises and exposing his supporters to a significant risk of disappointment and disillusionment.
This reality has been acknowledged by some Republicans who had been loyal supporters of Trump but have begun to express reservations. Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, a figure on the right wing of the Republican Party who until recently had been extremely loyal to the president, stated on social media: “This is what many MAGA supporters thought they had voted to put an end to. Boy, were we wrong.” This significant distancing suggests that the Venezuelan venture could well divide Trump’s electoral base and undermine his popularity as the November 2026 midterm elections approach, when control of both houses of Congress will be at stake.
When I saw Marjorie Taylor Greene, that staunch Trump loyalist, express her doubts about the invasion of Venezuela, I realized just how inconsistent this operation was with everything Trump had promised. Trump’s voters didn’t vote for new wars abroad; they voted for America to focus on its own problems. They didn’t vote for costly military occupations; they voted for their money to be spent at home. Trump has betrayed them, plain and simple. And I feel that this betrayal could very well be his political downfall. Voters can forgive a lot, but they don’t forget when they’re lied to about fundamental issues like war and peace. I think we could see a dramatic shift in American public opinion—a sudden realization that Trump’s leadership doesn’t mean protection for America, but rather a risk to it.
Section 12: The Awakening of the Latin American Peoples
A Budding Resistance
Although the U.S. occupation is still in its early stages, there are signs that organized resistance is beginning to emerge in Venezuela and throughout Latin America. Groups of young Venezuelans, some of whom had participated in anti-Maduro protests in previous years, have begun organizing demonstrations against the foreign occupation, emphasizing that their struggle for democracy never amounted to a call for U.S. interference. These citizen movements, still in their infancy, could well develop into a coherent opposition to the U.S. military presence, especially as the occupation drags on and its human and economic costs become more visible.
At the same time, in other Latin American countries, solidarity movements with Venezuela have begun to form. Academics, activists, artists, and ordinary citizens have organized rallies, petitions, and awareness campaigns to denounce the U.S. occupation and reaffirm the right to self-determination of Latin American peoples. These movements, though scattered and weak for the moment, are reminiscent of the massive mobilizations against U.S. interventions in the 1980s and 1990s—particularly in Central America—which ultimately succeeded in rolling back Washington’s interventionist policy.
What gives me a fragile glimmer of hope in this bleak story is the emerging resistance of the Latin American peoples. Despite the United States’ overwhelming military power, despite the immense resources Washington has at its disposal to impose its will, human beings have this incredible capacity to rise up, to organize, and to resist. I see these young Venezuelans protesting against foreign occupation, these Chilean students organizing solidarity rallies, these Brazilian artists creating works that denounce imperialism, and I tell myself that all is not lost. History teaches us that occupations always end in failure, sooner or later, because the will of the people always triumphs over the force of arms. It may take years, even decades, but freedom always returns in the end. And this certainty gives me the strength to continue believing in humanity despite everything.
The Resurgence of a Shared Latin American Identity
The invasion of Venezuela could well have the paradoxical effect of strengthening the sense of a shared Latin American identity and the desire for collective emancipation from U.S. tutelage. For decades, Latin American countries have been divided by ideological differences, regional rivalries, and conflicting alliances with the world’s major powers. However, the brutality of the U.S. intervention in Venezuela could serve as a catalyst for a revival of the Bolivarian dream of Latin American unity—a dream articulated by Simón Bolívar in the 19th century but never fully realized.
Emerging political figures in the region are already beginning to articulate a new discourse of strategic autonomy and resistance to U.S. hegemony. Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has proposed the creation of a new, independent Latin American bloc capable of resisting pressure from Washington. Intellectuals and activists across the continent are calling for a revival of regional integration—no longer based on trade agreements favorable to the United States, but on the principles of solidarity, mutual respect, and the self-determination of peoples. This movement, though still in its infancy, could well mark the beginning of a new era in relations between Latin America and the United States.
When I see this movement for Latin American unity emerging in response to the invasion of Venezuela, my heart swells with emotion. It is as if the peoples of the region—divided for decades by artificial borders and opposing ideologies—were suddenly rediscovering themselves as a community with a shared destiny, bound by a common history of resistance and the aspiration for freedom. Simón Bolívar, that giant of Latin American history, had dreamed of a united and free continent, capable of standing up to the empires of his time. His dream had been trampled underfoot by centuries of interventions, divisions, and manipulations. But today, I feel that his spirit is returning, that his vision is rising from the ashes of Venezuela’s humiliation. This may be the only positive aspect of this tragedy: the reawakening of a collective Latin American consciousness that may well end up triumphing over imperialism.
Conclusion: The Uncertain Future of a Changing World
Lessons to Be Learned from This Tragedy
Donald Trump’s invasion of Venezuela and his proclamation of himself as the self-appointed emperor of America represent a watershed moment in contemporary history—a moment when the rules of the rules-based international system were shamelessly and unprecedentedly violated. This tragedy offers several crucial lessons that we must heed if we hope to prevent such adventures from recurring in the future. First, it demonstrates the fragility of the international order when it depends on the goodwill of the major powers rather than on solid institutional constraints. Second, it reveals the danger of allowing a single man, no matter how powerful, to make unilateral decisions that determine the fate of millions of people without any democratic oversight.
Third, it reminds us that humanitarian or security justifications are all too often used as pretexts to mask far more prosaic economic and strategic motivations. Fourth, it illustrates the chronic inability of Western democracies to apply the same standards to their allies as to their adversaries—a hypocrisy that undermines their moral credibility and fuels resentment worldwide. Finally, it teaches us that oppressed peoples always eventually rise up, organize themselves, and resist, no matter how powerful the forces trying to crush them may be.
As I write these lines, I think of the future with a mixture of fear and hope. Fear because I see a world sliding toward anarchy, toward the law of the jungle, toward a new Middle Ages where only power would dictate what is just and what is unjust. But hope as well, because I see signs of a nascent resistance, of an emerging awareness that humanity cannot accept this return to barbarism. Venezuelans are suffering today, but their suffering is not in vain. It reminds us that freedom is never a given, that it must be defended every day, that each generation must be ready to make sacrifices to pass it on to the next. It is this sacrifice that I see in the eyes of the protesters in Caracas, in the chants of the students in Santiago, in the poems of the writers in Buenos Aires. And it is this vision that gives me the strength to believe that despite everything—despite the Trumps of this world, despite imperialism of every kind—humanity will always triumph in the end.
The Call for a New Multipolar World
The future of the international system will depend on our collective ability to build a multipolar world where no single power can unilaterally impose its will on others, where international law is respected by all without exception, and where differences between countries and cultures are celebrated rather than denied or crushed. This new world will not emerge spontaneously; it must be built patiently, with courage and determination, by nations that refuse to submit to the hegemony of a single superpower and that insist on their right to self-determination.
The countries of Latin America have a crucial role to play in this endeavor, by taking back control of their historical destiny, overcoming their internal divisions, and standing together in the face of pressure from Washington. But this responsibility does not fall on them alone: Europe, Africa, and Asia also have a role to play by refusing to accept violations of international law, regardless of which powers commit them. The future of humanity depends on our ability to unite in defense of the fundamental principles of justice, equality, and mutual respect that must govern relations between nations.
When I look to the future, I tell myself that we are at a historic turning point. We can continue down the current path—one of brutal American hegemony, arbitrary interventions, and the plundering of resources under the guise of democracy. Or we can choose another path—that of a multipolar world where every nation has its place, where international law is respected by all, and where differences are celebrated rather than crushed. This choice is not solely in the hands of political leaders; it is also in the hands of each and every one of us—ordinary citizens who, through our actions, our words, and our votes, can influence the course of history. It is this responsibility that weighs heavily on me today, but it also gives meaning to my commitment, my anger, and my refusal to accept the unacceptable. For history is not predetermined; it is written by those who have the courage to stand up and say: “Basta, enough is enough—never again.”
Sources
Primary Sources
Journal de Montréal, “The Master of the World,” January 10, 2026 – Opinion piece by Jacques Lanctôt analyzing Donald Trump’s invasion of Venezuela
PBS NewsHour, “U.S. strikes Venezuela and says leader Maduro has been captured and flown out of the country,” January 3, 2026 – Detailed Associated Press report on the U.S. military operation and its immediate consequences
Reuters, “Trump says U.S. will run Venezuela after U.S. captures Maduro,” January 4, 2026 – Comprehensive coverage of Trump’s press conference and international reactions
Secondary Sources
Brookings Institution, “Making Sense of the U.S. Military Operation in Venezuela,” a geopolitical analysis published in January 2026 assessing the strategic implications of the U.S. intervention
Brennan Center for Justice, “No Legal Basis for Invading Venezuela,” a legal analysis published in January 2026 examining the legality of the operation under international law
Chatham House, “The US capture of President Nicolás Maduro – and attacks on Venezuela have no justification,” a research report published in January 2026 criticizing the Trump administration’s justifications
House of Commons Library (United Kingdom), “The US capture of Nicolás Maduro,” a parliamentary briefing published in January 2026 providing historical and analytical context on the U.S. operation
Al Jazeera, “What to Know About Trump’s Plan on Venezuela,” an analysis article published in January 2026 examining the motivations and objectives of the U.S. intervention
Friends Committee on National Legislation, “Why Did Trump Invade Venezuela and Capture President Maduro?”, a policy analysis published in January 2026 criticizing the lack of democratic debate surrounding this decision
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