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The Ottawa-Beijing Axis Is Reemerging Under Pressure from Trump: The Great Trade Realignment

Jacques Pj Provost

2026-06-20 23:32:36

The trade war that threw everything into turmoil

Sino-Canadian relations have gone through a particularly difficult period in recent years, marked by protectionist measures that have significantly complicated trade between the two nations. In 2024, the previous Canadian administration followed the U.S. example by imposing particularly severe tariffs on Chinese products, in an effort to align with Washington’s trade policy at the time. Ottawa thus imposed a 100 percent tariff on electric vehicles manufactured in China—a draconian measure clearly intended to protect the North American automotive industry from Asian competition, which was beginning to flood global markets with electric vehicles that were both affordable and technologically advanced. In addition, 25 percent tariffs were imposed on Chinese steel and aluminum, following similar measures taken by the United States under the first Trump administration.

Beijing was quick to respond to what Chinese authorities considered discriminatory and unjustified measures, triggering a series of countermeasures that directly impacted Canada’s most vulnerable economic sectors. China retaliated by imposing tariffs on several Canadian agricultural products, including canola, pork, and seafood—all sectors that rely heavily on access to the Chinese market for their economic viability. These retaliatory measures had devastating consequences for farmers in Western Canada, particularly in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, where canola production is a vital part of the local agricultural economy. The Canada China Business Council has estimated that the impact of these counter-tariffs runs into the billions of dollars—a considerable economic loss that has severely eroded political support for the protectionist measures initiated by Ottawa.

What shocks me most about this sequence of events is the extent to which our country allowed itself to be drawn into a trade war that did not truly serve our national interests. By blindly following the U.S. example, we sacrificed our agricultural producers on the altar of automotive protectionism, the benefits of which remained to be proven. I feel a certain anger when I think of the farmers who saw their markets collapse because of decisions made thousands of kilometers away from their fields, without their voices ever truly being heard in the corridors of power in Ottawa. It is all the more ironic to note that the very electric vehicles we rejected with those tariffs are now seen as a potential opportunity to accelerate Canada’s energy transition and offer Canadian consumers affordable options to reduce their carbon footprint.

The Collateral Damage of Blind Alignment

The consequences of these protectionist measures were felt far beyond the agricultural sector, affecting the entire trade relationship between Canada and China. Canadian exports to China, which totaled approximately thirty billion dollars in 2024, still account for only about five percent of the country’s total exports—a proportion considerably lower than the seventy-five percent of Canadian exports that go to the United States. This disproportionate reliance on the U.S. market has long been presented as a strength, but it is now proving to be a major strategic vulnerability as relations between Ottawa and Washington go through one of the most turbulent periods in their shared history. Experts point out that this trade war with China made less and less economic sense as relations with the United States deteriorated.

Internal divisions in Canada over which trade policy to adopt toward China have become increasingly visible and deep-seated over the past few months. On the one hand, Ontario Premier Doug Ford has publicly urged the federal government to maintain tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles in order to protect the province’s traditional automotive industry, which remains deeply integrated into the Detroit-centered North American production chain. On the other hand, the premiers of the western provinces have been exerting increasing pressure on the federal government to reach an agreement with Beijing to provide relief to their farmers and producers, who are bearing the brunt of China’s retaliatory measures. This geographic and political divide reflects the divergent economic realities of a country trying to navigate between protecting its historic manufacturing industries and the need to support its traditional export sectors.

This internal division hits me hard and leaves me perplexed about Canada’s ability to define a coherent and unified trade strategy. On one side, we have provinces fearing for their manufacturing future; on the other, regions fighting for their agricultural survival. How can we claim to have a consistent foreign policy when we are so divided on such fundamental issues? I understand Ontario’s concerns about Asian competition, but I also deeply feel the distress of the Prairies. What seems clear to me is that we can no longer continue to sacrifice one region for another based on decisions made in Washington. It is time for Canada to define its own interests and negotiate from a position of strength rather than passively endure the consequences of U.S. policies.

Section 2: The Shift Brought About by the Trump Administration

The Breakdown of the Established Trade Order

Donald Trump’s return to power for his second term has acted as a true catalyst, dramatically accelerating the reorientation of Canadian trade policy. Since his return to the White House a year ago, the U.S. president has used his emergency powers to impose 25 percent tariffs on a wide range of Canadian products, effectively breaking the USMCA free trade agreement that had governed North American trade relations for several years. These radical protectionist measures took Canadian authorities and the business community by surprise, as they had hoped that relations with the new U.S. administration would normalize following the tensions of the first Trump administration. Instead, Ottawa found itself confronted with a harsh reality: its most important and historically most reliable trading partner had become a major source of economic uncertainty.

Canada’s response was swift, with the announcement of 25 percent retaliatory tariffs on U.S. electric vehicles—a symbolically strong but economically limited measure, given the small volume of electric vehicle exports from the United States to Canada. This move, however, marked a significant psychological turning point, signaling that Canada was no longer willing to passively accept U.S. trade dictates without pushing back. Analysts note that this protectionist escalation has fundamentally altered Ottawa’s economic calculus: with the U.S. market becoming a “protected garden” hostile to Canadian products, the rationale for maintaining trade barriers against China has weakened considerably. Why, indeed, continue to deprive itself of a major potential market when the traditional market is gradually closing?

I cannot help but feel a mixture of sadness and determination in the face of this historic rift with our southern neighbor. Decades of fruitful trade cooperation seem to be called into question by political decisions made unilaterally, with no regard for the human and economic ties that have been patiently built between our two nations. What strikes me most is the speed with which this trust has been eroded and the ease with which complex trade agreements have been sacrificed on the altar of short-term protectionist policies. Yet, beyond this sadness, I also feel a certain pride in seeing Canada stand up and assert its trade sovereignty, refusing to be treated as a subordinate partner. It is as if our country were finally forced to grow up and take its economic destiny into its own hands—a prospect that is both frightening and exhilarating.

The Strategic Shift Toward Diversification

The shift toward China is part of a broader movement toward trade diversification that Canada has been seeking to implement for several years but which has taken on new urgency with recent developments. Mark Carney has set an ambitious goal: to double Canadian exports to markets other than the United States over the next decade. This diversification initiative, once viewed as a long-term goal, has suddenly become an immediate necessity in the face of growing hostility from the U.S. market. Analysts point out that there is considerable growth potential in relations with China, given the size of its market and its growing demand for natural resources and agricultural products that Canada can supply in abundance.

The sectors that could benefit from this realignment are numerous and varied. Canadian natural resources, particularly crude oil, copper, and iron, already play a significant role in exports to China, and this position could be strengthened and expanded. Canadian agriculture, with its production of grains, meat, and seafood, finds a natural outlet in the Chinese market that could partially offset losses in the U.S. market. The Canadian forestry industry, which has long been dependent on the U.S. market, could also find new opportunities in China for its wood products. Finally, the Canadian energy sector—including liquefied natural gas and renewable energy—could benefit from a strengthened partnership with Beijing as China continues its energy transition and seeks to diversify its supply sources.

This prospect of diversification fills me with cautious but genuine hope. I have always believed that Canada possesses extraordinary strengths that would allow it to thrive beyond its relationship with the United States, but I never imagined that circumstances would force such an acceleration of this process. What particularly fascinates me is seeing how Canada’s different regions could find new reasons to collaborate and jointly develop innovative business approaches for Asian markets. The Prairies with their agriculture, the Atlantic provinces with their seafood, the West with its natural resources, Quebec with its technological expertise, Ontario with its manufacturing industry… all have a role to play in this new chapter of Canadian economic history. It’s as if we’re suddenly discovering the potential we’ve always had but never fully tapped into.

Section 3: The Outlines of a New Trade Agreement

The Removal of Tariffs on Electric Vehicles

The negotiations currently underway between Ottawa and Beijing appear to be heading toward an agreement that could mark a significant turning point in trade relations between the two countries. According to several credible reports, the Canadian government is in advanced discussions with Beijing to reduce or eliminate the 100 percent tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, a move that would significantly open up the Canadian market to manufacturers such as BYD, Geely, and NIO. This potential reduction in trade barriers aligns with an economic rationale that is becoming increasingly compelling for Ottawa: as the U.S. automotive market gradually closes its doors to Canadian products, access to Chinese electric vehicles could offer Canadian consumers more affordable options and accelerate the country’s energy transition.

This scenario would not be unprecedented on the international stage. The European Union recently reached an agreement with China to replace its tariffs on electric vehicles with a “minimum price undertaking” system—an approach that would prevent dumping while allowing competitive and affordable vehicles to enter the market. Under this model, Chinese manufacturers would commit to not selling their vehicles below a certain price, thereby ensuring fair competition with European and North American automakers. Observers suggest that Canada could adopt a similar framework, thereby allowing Chinese electric vehicles such as BYD’s Seagull or Dolphin to enter the market—models that could significantly improve the affordability of electric vehicles for middle-class Canadians.

The affordability of electric vehicles is an issue particularly close to my heart, and I can’t help but feel a sense of excitement at the prospect that ordinary Canadians might finally have access to this technology without breaking the bank. For too long, the energy transition has been seen as a privilege for the wealthy—a reality that struck me as fundamentally unfair and counterproductive to the broader goal of reducing emissions. The arrival of affordable Chinese electric vehicles could be a game-changer and truly democratize access to electric mobility. Of course, I understand the legitimate concerns about the impact on the Canadian automotive industry, but I also believe we need to be realistic: if we can’t compete on the price of electric vehicles, we must find other ways to contribute to this transition—perhaps in battery manufacturing, the development of related technologies, or charging infrastructure.

Reciprocity on Canola and Agricultural Products

In exchange for reducing or eliminating tariffs on electric vehicles, China is preparing to offer a significant easing of restrictions on Canadian products, particularly canola, which has been at the heart of recent trade tensions. Chinese authorities intend to discuss this proposal with Prime Minister Carney during his visit to Beijing, according to sources familiar with the negotiations. This reciprocal gesture would provide major relief for Canadian farmers in the western provinces, who have borne the brunt of China’s retaliatory measures, resulting in significant economic losses and considerable uncertainty about the future of their farms.

Discussions are also expected to focus on the potential reduction of tariffs on other Chinese industrial products, which could extend the benefits of this agreement to other sectors of the Canadian economy. Observers note that this approach of gradual reciprocity—where each concession by Canada is accompanied by concrete concessions from China—contrasts favorably with the asymmetrical relationship Canada has long maintained with the United States. Under this new model, Canada emerges as a negotiating partner on equal footing with China, capable of securing tangible concessions in exchange for market access. This shift in dynamics could have profound implications for how Ottawa approaches its future trade relations, not only with Beijing but also with other major economic partners.

This prospect of reciprocity seems to me to represent exactly what Canada should be seeking in all its international trade relationships. For too long, our country has accepted economic and trade imbalances that did not truly serve our national interests, often out of a desire to maintain harmonious relations with more powerful partners. Seeing Ottawa negotiate from a position of strength with Beijing gives me some hope that we have finally learned to defend our interests with greater vigor and determination. Canadian farmers deserve access to diverse and stable markets, and I feel a sense of satisfaction at the thought that their perseverance in the face of adversity may finally be paying off. It’s as if Canada is beginning to understand that its economic wealth lies in its diversity and openness to the world rather than in its excessive dependence on a single partner.

Section 4: Beyond Trade: Opportunities for Strategic Partnerships

Collaboration in Emerging Technologies

The realignment between China and Canada is not limited to traditional trade in goods and services, but potentially extends to areas of technological collaboration that could have significant implications for the economic future of both countries. China has established itself as a major technological power in several key sectors, including electric vehicles, batteries, renewable energy, and artificial intelligence—areas in which Canada also possesses significant strengths and globally recognized expertise. Experts suggest that there are considerable opportunities for partnership in these sectors, particularly in research and development, where the two countries could combine their respective strengths to develop innovative and globally competitive technologies.

The field of electric vehicle batteries represents a particularly compelling example of this potential for collaboration. China currently controls a large portion of the battery value chain, from the extraction and processing of critical minerals to the manufacturing of battery cells and packs. Canada, for its part, possesses significant reserves of lithium, cobalt, and other minerals essential to battery manufacturing, in addition to a highly skilled workforce in the manufacturing and research sectors. Strategic collaboration in this area could enable Canada to develop a domestic battery industry, thereby creating high-quality jobs and reducing its technological dependence on other countries. Colin Robertson, a former Canadian diplomat and vice president of the Canadian Institute of Global Affairs, advocates precisely for this type of partnership in the production of electric vehicle batteries.

The prospect of a technological partnership between Canada and China leaves me both fascinated and somewhat concerned—a mix of emotions that likely reflects the complexity of this new geopolitical reality. On the one hand, I am convinced that Canada must absolutely develop its capabilities in these strategic technologies if we are to remain competitive in the global economy of the twenty-first century. Collaboration with China, which is ahead of the curve in many of these areas, could enable us to significantly accelerate our learning and development. On the other hand, I am aware of the challenges posed by such increased technological dependence on a nation whose political and social values differ considerably from our own. Nevertheless, I believe we can strike a balance—a form of cautious yet beneficial cooperation—that allows us to capitalize on China’s strengths while preserving our long-term strategic autonomy.

The Role of Rare Earths and Critical Minerals

Control over rare earths and critical minerals represents one of the most strategic aspects of the potential new partnership between Canada and China. These elements, which are essential to the manufacture of cutting-edge technologies such as electric vehicles, wind turbines, solar panels, and electronic devices, are dominated by China, which holds the world’s largest reserves and masters the complex refining processes necessary for their industrial use. This near-monopoly gives China considerable leverage over other economies, particularly the United States, which is desperately seeking to reduce its dependence on Beijing in this critical area. Canada, with its significant reserves of rare earths and other strategic minerals, could play a crucial role in this geopolitical balance.

The Fourth Plenary Session of the Chinese Communist Party recently emphasized the importance of continuing to focus on the country’s green transition, an effort that will require massive quantities of critical minerals in the coming years. At the same time, the Canadian Climate Council predicts that Canada may not meet its 2030 emissions reduction targets, partly due to the slow pace of the energy transition in several key sectors of the economy. Collaboration in this area could enable Canada to accelerate its own energy transition by leveraging Chinese expertise and technologies in renewable energy and energy storage, while providing Beijing with more stable and secure access to the mineral resources it needs to fuel its own green transition. This complementary relationship could serve as the foundation for a broader partnership in the fight against climate change.

This strategic dimension of the Sino-Canadian partnership leads me to reflect deeply on the choices available to our country. On the one hand, the idea of collaborating with China to develop our rare earth and critical mineral resources seems economically logical to me, given the expertise and investments that Beijing could bring to the table. On the other hand, I cannot help but worry about the long-term implications of such dependence, particularly in a context where China is already using these resources as geopolitical leverage against the United States. Nevertheless, I believe Canada has a unique opportunity to position itself as a responsible and reliable supplier of critical minerals, capable of navigating between the major powers while defending its own interests. It’s a delicate balancing act, but it may be exactly what Canada—a country of compromise and moderation—is best suited to accomplish.

Section 5: The Human and Cultural Dimensions of Reconciliation

The Potential Return of Chinese Students and Tourists

Beyond purely economic exchanges, the Sino-Canadian realignment could also have significant consequences for the human and cultural ties between the two countries—ties that had grown considerably strained in recent years. At one time, Chinese students made up the largest share of international students in Canada, contributing substantially to the local economy through tuition fees, living expenses, and related economic spinoffs. This trend slowed considerably following the 2018 arrest in Vancouver of Meng Wanzhou, Huawei’s chief financial officer, on a U.S. extradition warrant—an event that triggered a major diplomatic crisis between Ottawa and Beijing and led to the arrest of two Canadians in China in retaliation.

The Canadian tourism sector also felt the repercussions of this diplomatic rift, particularly after China excluded Canada from the list of approved destinations for group travel when it eased travel restrictions imposed during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2023. This exclusion was a major blow to the Canadian tourism industry, which lost a significant source of visitors—who typically stay longer and spend more due to the considerable commitment required for such a long-distance trip. Fortunately, this situation appears to be changing, as the Canadian government recently decided to reauthorize Chinese group travel to Canada—a decision celebrated by many in the tourism industry who hope for a return to the “glory days” of previous years.

The human dimensions of these international relations particularly resonate with me, and I can’t help but feel a certain nostalgia when I think back to the days when Canadian campuses were teeming with Chinese students and our cities welcomed Chinese tourists eager to discover our country. These human exchanges, beyond their economic benefits, forge personal and cultural bonds that transcend borders and political tensions, enriching both our societies in profound and lasting ways. I remember fascinating conversations with Chinese students who shared their unique perspectives on the world while discovering Canadian values of tolerance and openness. The potential return of these exchanges gives me hope that, despite the political and ideological divisions that may exist between our nations, human connections can prevail and allow us to better understand one another.

Canadian Soft Power Diplomacy

The concept of soft power—the ability to influence others through persuasion and attraction rather than coercion—could play an important role in revitalizing Sino-Canadian relations. Canada has long enjoyed a positive international reputation, associated with political stability, democratic values, quality of life, and multicultural openness—assets that could be strategically leveraged in its new relationship with China. The Canada China Business Council points out that the Canadian economy is “deeply complementary” to China’s, a characteristic that creates “natural openings” across a wide range of sectors, including education.

Another important dimension of Canada’s soft power could manifest itself through international aid in the Indo-Pacific region. With the Trump administration having significantly reduced—or even eliminated—funding for the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), a significant void has been created in the region that Canada could fill. Lynette Ong, Distinguished Professor of Chinese Politics at the University of Toronto, suggests that Canada should double or even triple its international aid efforts in this region as a means of building soft power and convincing countries in the region that Canada is on their side. This approach would allow Canada to position itself as a reliable and predictable alternative partner in a strategic region, while strengthening its bilateral relations with Beijing.

The idea of using our soft power to strengthen our international standing strikes me as both elegant and powerful, reflecting the values that have always defined Canada on the world stage. For too long, we have underestimated the power of our reputation and our values, focusing excessively on our economic relations with the United States at the expense of a more comprehensive vision of our place in the world. The prospect of filling the void left by the U.S. withdrawal in the Indo-Pacific region gives me the impression that Canada could finally fully embrace its role as an influential middle power, capable of navigating between the major powers while defending the principles it holds dear. I am particularly moved by the idea that our country could make a tangible difference in the lives of people in this region through targeted and effective international aid—a gesture that would reflect the best traditions of Canadian diplomacy.

Section 6: Navigating Opportunities and Risks

The Delicate Balance Between Cooperation and Caution

As Canada embarks on this new chapter in its relations with China, analysts emphasize the crucial importance of maintaining a balance between the potential economic opportunities and the risks inherent in a closer relationship with Beijing. Relations between the two countries must be managed “with our eyes wide open,” to borrow the phrase of Colin Robertson, who acknowledges that legitimate concerns remain, particularly regarding human rights and cyber interference. These issues will need to be an integral part of the considerations that Canadian lawmakers must keep in mind as they develop a new China strategy.

Experts suggest that Canada could adopt an approach similar to that of the European Union, which seeks to balance economic cooperation with the protection of strategic interests. This approach would involve developing robust regulatory and legislative frameworks to protect sensitive technologies, personal data, and critical infrastructure, while pursuing fruitful trade relations in non-strategic sectors. Canada could also seek to strengthen its alliances with other like-minded democracies to develop common approaches toward China, thereby enabling collective negotiation rather than acting in isolation. This strategy of diversifying partnerships—both economic and political—could give Canada greater flexibility in its relations with Beijing.

This need to strike a balance between cooperation and caution makes me feel both the excitement of new opportunities and the anxiety of the associated risks. I fully understand the economic benefits that a strengthened partnership with China could bring to Canada, but I am also deeply aware of the challenges posed by an expanded relationship with a regime whose political and social values differ considerably from our own. What reassures me is the conviction that Canada has the experience and wisdom necessary to navigate these troubled waters, having maintained a complex relationship with the United States for decades while preserving its distinct identity. I believe we can apply this same nuanced approach to our relations with China, knowing exactly where we can cooperate and where we must maintain a prudent distance.

The Need for a Cohesive National Strategy

The realignment of Sino-Canadian relations cannot be improvised; it requires the development of a coherent, long-term national strategy that takes into account the full range of Canadian interests—economic, political, and security-related. This strategy must be developed with the participation of all relevant stakeholders, including provincial governments, businesses, universities, civil society, and Canadian communities of Chinese origin. It is essential that this approach be inclusive and transparent, allowing for a national debate on the opportunities and challenges presented by a strengthened relationship with China.

The federal government must also invest heavily in developing the national capabilities needed to support this new strategic direction. This includes strengthening diplomatic and consular services in China, developing linguistic and cultural expertise within the Canadian public service, investing in research on contemporary China, and supporting Canadian companies seeking to enter the Chinese market. At the same time, Canada will need to continue investing in its traditional relationships with other Asian partners—including Japan, South Korea, India, and the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations—so as not to simply replace one dependency with another, but to genuinely develop a diversified network of partnerships in the region.

I believe that developing a coherent national strategy for our relations with China is absolutely essential if we want this realignment to be sustainable and beneficial for all Canadians. Too often, our country has reacted to international events in an ad hoc manner, without a long-term vision or strategic planning—an approach that has frequently led to suboptimal results. I feel a certain sense of urgency about the need to act quickly to seize current opportunities, but I also understand the importance of taking the time to lay the groundwork properly. What reassures me is the conviction that Canada possesses the intellectual resources, creativity, and resilience necessary to develop a sophisticated and nuanced strategy that will serve our long-term national interests. I am particularly moved by the idea that all Canadian communities, including those of Chinese descent, can contribute to this collective effort.

Conclusion: Toward a New Chapter in Canadian History

A Historic Opportunity to Redefine Canada’s Place in the World

Mark Carney’s trip to Beijing is much more than just a diplomatic visit; it potentially marks the beginning of a new chapter in Canada’s economic and political history. Faced with growing hostility from its traditional partner, the United States, Canada is being forced to redefine its place in the world and forge new trade alliances that reflect the geopolitical realities of the twenty-first century. This process of reorientation, though forced by circumstances, could paradoxically offer Canada the opportunity to become a more autonomous and diversified player on the international stage—one less dependent on the political whims of a single partner, regardless of its historical significance.

The challenges are considerable, to be sure, but so are the opportunities. A strengthened partnership with China could provide Canada with access to a vast and rapidly growing market, cutting-edge technologies that could accelerate its energy transition, and sources of investment essential for the development of its infrastructure and strategic industries. More importantly, this realignment could enable Canada to develop a more independent and confident economic identity, capable of navigating among the major powers while defending its own national interests. This may be the most enduring legacy that this turbulent period could leave the country: a better understanding of its own strength and its own ability to shape its economic destiny.

As I reflect on this pivotal moment in our country’s history, I cannot help but feel a complex mix of emotions: anxiety about the unknown, excitement about the possibilities, pride in the resilience we are demonstrating, but also a certain sadness at the end of an era of stability and certainty in our relations with the United States. Yet, beyond all these conflicting emotions, I feel deeply that this moment of transformation could be the catalyst Canada needed to finally and fully assume its place in the world. I have always believed that our country possesses extraordinary, often underestimated potential, and perhaps these challenging circumstances will be what enable us to realize it to the fullest. I am moved by the thought that future generations may look back on this period as the moment when Canada finally found its path and its voice on the international stage.

Lessons from a Time of Upheaval

Recent events have taught Canada valuable lessons about the nature of the global economy and the importance of diversification and strategic resilience. Over-reliance on a single trading partner—even one that has historically been the closest and most reliable—has proven to be a major vulnerability rather than a strength. The ability to rapidly adapt economic strategies in response to geopolitical shifts has proven to be an essential skill in an increasingly unpredictable world. Finally, the importance of developing relationships based on reciprocity and mutual respect—rather than blind alignment with a dominant power—has become an undeniable reality.

These lessons, sometimes learned the hard way, could well serve Canada well in the decades ahead as the country continues to navigate a constantly changing world. Mark Carney’s visit to Beijing, whatever its immediate outcomes, stands as a powerful symbol of this new approach: one that combines economic pragmatism, nuanced diplomacy, and long-term strategic vision. The Canada of the twenty-first century will not be the same as that of the twentieth century, and that may be the best thing that could happen to it. The challenges are numerous, to be sure, but the opportunities for growth, development, and international influence have never been greater. It is now up to Canadians to seize these opportunities and shape the future they want for their country.

As I conclude these reflections on this pivotal moment in our country’s history, my thoughts turn to all Canadians who will experience the consequences of these decisions—our children and grandchildren, who will inherit the world we are shaping today. I feel a profound responsibility—one that is heavy but also exhilarating—knowing that the choices we make today will determine the opportunities available to them tomorrow. I am hopeful that we will make the right choices, that we will have the courage to seize the opportunities that arise while possessing the wisdom to navigate risks with caution. Above all, I hope that we never lose sight of the values that make Canada a unique country: openness, tolerance, respect for diversity, and a commitment to justice and equity. It is on these foundations that we can build a prosperous and secure future for our nation, no matter which partner we choose to dance with.

Sources

Primary sources

South China Morning Post, “China, Canada poised to reset trade ties after Trump’s tariffs force rethink,” published January 13, 2026, by Ralph Jennings and Kandy Wong

Radio-Canada/CBC News, “3 ways Canada and China can reset their relations in Trump’s new trade world,” published November 23, 2025, by Lisa Xing

Bloomberg, “China to Offer Canola Relief for Easing EV Curbs During Carney Visit,” published January 13, 2026, by Bloomberg News

Electrek, “Canada and China Near Deal to Drop EV Tariffs as Trump Pushes Allies Away,” published January 13, 2026, by Fred Lambert

Secondary Sources

Canadian Global Affairs Institute, analyses on Sino-Canadian relations and opportunities for strategic partnership, 2025–2026

Canada China Business Council, reports and statements on the impact of trade tariffs and prospects for restoring relations, 2024–2026

Conference Board of Canada, profiles of trading partners and analyses of Canadian exports to China, 2024–2026

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